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trials which he volunteered to confront at Vienna, were more terrible than Mr. Kossuth's violence-more harrowing than the Count Batthyanyi's pleadings. His desertion was a disappointment to the family compact at Vienna. His relations would not listen to his own justification, and scorned his entreaties to spare the country which had become dear to him. He tendered his resignation. The offer was accepted with eagerness, and immediate measures were taken to carry out the designs of the dynasty by the appointment of a more energetic and unscrupulous regent. Such a man was Count Lamberg, a landed proprietor in Hungary, and field-marshal lieutenant in the Austrian army, imbued with its traditions, and an unflinching champion of those high and arbitrary principles of government, which have so often brought the Austrian empire to the brink of ruin. Count Lamberg was appointed to the post of Extraordinary Commissioner for Hungary, entrusted Iwith the chief command of all Hungarian troops, national guards, and bands of volunteers, instructed to proceed to the scene of war, to terminate the hostilities against the Ban Jellachich, and to restore peace and order in Hungary 'as a part of the Austrian monarchy.' He was supported by an Imperial manifesto, ordering the soldiers of the Hungarian army to return to the Austrian standard,' and to eschew all acts of hostility against the Ban Jellachich.
Count Lamberg's appointment was illegal, for it imposed a dictator while the parliament was assembled, which alone could sanction the grant of extraordinary powers. The Emperor's orders to the army were equally illegal, for they reversed his former decrees, and showed a deliberate intention to regain by violence what had been lost by pusillanimity.
The news of these hostile measures reached Pesth on the 27th of September, and in an extraordinary sitting of the parliament, L. Madarass moved, and Mr. Kossuth seconded, a resolution against Count Lamberg's usurped authority. It was carried without a debate and
without a single dissentient vote. A proclamation was next proposed by Mr. Kossuth, and sanctioned by the House, denouncing the appointment of Count Lamberg as illegal and invalid; instructing the troops to oppose his commands, and declaring that Count Lamberg, and those who assisted or obeyed him, should be considered as false traitors and punished accordingly, If the Count Louis Batthyanyi had been present, his influence would have modified these violent measures. As it was, the news of the resolutions of the House reached him in the camp, whither he had proceeded to meet and protect Count Lamberg. Unable to reverse the decree of the House, he sought to paralyse its action, and prevailed upon the parliamentary commissioners, who were charged with its publication, to delay that fatal act. Count Batthyanyi believed the Dictator, obedient to his master's instructions, would make his appearance at the head quarters of the army, and it was from the army that he wished to conceal the existence of the late resolutions against Count Lamberg, which he justly considered as that nobleman's death warrant. He could not prevent their publication at Pesth. That city was at the time filled with volunteers from all parts of the country. Savage herdsmen from the plains of the Theiss, peasants from the mountainous countries, boatmen from the lower Danube, in strange and uncouth dresses, wielding their rustic weapons; volunteers of the free corps, full of martial ardour and eager to flesh their maiden swords; exiled Poles, the bloodhounds of revolutions, whom accident or instinct collects at every scene of carnage; vagabond gipsies and travelling Jews, thronged the streets of the two capitals, and crowded the bridge which joins Buda to Pesth. They knew of the Emperor's decrees; they knew the doom which the parliament had pronounced against the tool of the cabinet, and watched anxiously and impatiently for the courier who was to bring the news of the traitor's arrival in the camp, and of his death. This rude, suspicious, and half-maddened crowd swayed
tumultuously from one part of the two cities to another, as the misgivings of individuals, taken up at random, swelled into rumours, while every insignificant item of intelligence was distorted and magnified into an appalling event. At one time, the shouts of the populace were hushed into absolute silence, as the tale crept from lip to lip that Jellachich had left his cantonments-that he was marching upon the capital that the Croats were at Stuhlweissenburg. Again it was said that an Austrian conspiracy had been discovered. The commander of Buda intended to steal the Hun
garian crown, the crown of St. Stephen, and the Regalia, which, in the minds of the people, were connected with so many cherished traditions and wild superstitions. The crown of St. Stephen was to be taken to Vienna! As the populace turned in horror and dismay to oppose this sacrilegious intention, it was met by another distorted fact. Count Lamberg, the dictator, was at Buda-the commander of the fortress submitted to his authority— he had ordered the gates to be closed the batteries were about to open upon Pesth and the Parliament House. As this news was carried through the crowd with the rapidity of lightning, the infuriated people, uttering wild cries, and brandishing their swords, pikes, scythes, and pickaxes, rushed to the bridge, to occupy the fortress and prevent the closing of the gates.
On the bridge they met Count Lamberg, on his way to Pesth, where he intended to announce his mission to the parliament. He was recognised, and dragged into the road. He had been denounced by Kossuth and sentenced by the parliament. In vain did the unfortunate man sue for mercy; vainly did he plead his duty and his master's orders; and vainly was the Emperor's decree, with the Sovereign's seal and sign manual, held forth by his trembling hands. It was a scene
of unutterable confusion: a storm of oaths, the clatter of arms, a long, piercing death cry-and as the dense masses parted and rolled back, they dragged the Emperor's representative at their heels-a distorted and
mangled corpse. The murderers
ran through the streets of Pesth showing their blood-stained weapons, and one man, it is asserted, entered the Parliament House, with his sword still reeking with the blood of the victim.
There can be no doubt that the death of Count Lamberg at Pesth, as well as the assassination of the Prince Lichnowsky and Major Auerswald at Frankfort, are chargeable on the absurd interpretation of the doctrine of popular sovereignty, which in 1848 was rife throughout the countries of the continent. The advocates and parasites of popular power had so long and so loudly proclaimed that the will of the sovereign people was a sacred law, and that the people's will was the voice of God, which must be right, that every part and fraction of the people claimed the sanctity of inspiration for its whims, passions, and prejudices. But the burden of the guilt does not lie only on the agitators of that fatal period: no! part of it falls on those who, by precept and example, accustomed the continental nations to consider sovereign power, no matter with whom it rested, entitled to defy all laws, human and divine, and to believe that the strong hand must do right, whatever it may do. Those who accuse Mr. Kossuth of directing the weapon which struck down Count Lamberg, ought not to spare Francis II., who forged it.
There is no evidence to show that Mr. Kossuth and the members of the Pesth parliament instigated the populace to the murder of Count Lamberg, although they placed themselves in the position of accessories after the fact.' They voted, indeed, an address to the Emperor, lamenting the unfortunate accident, and they instructed the magistrates of Pesth to arrest and punish the assassins. But even Mr. Kossuth's warmest admirers cannot pretend that due diligence was used in the execution of this decree; for the assassins were allowed to go at large and boast of their crime. So notorious were they, that, at a later period, they were with the greatest ease captured, tried, and convicted by the Austrian authorities.
What Mr. Kossuth's friends can plead in extenuation of this culpable
negligence is, that the criminals were protected by the passions of the populace, and that the dangers of the time compelled the government to concentrate the whole of its strength against the Ban Jellachich and his army, which had actually advanced to Stuhlweissenburg, while General Moga, who followed Count Adam Teleky in the command of the Hungarian army, had withdrawn his forces to Velencze, at the distance of about nine miles from Buda. To save the capital from the violence of the Croats had now become a duty. The country was, moreover, without a legal government, for Count Batthyanyi's return to office did not obtain the Emperor's sanction. Another revolutionary measure appeared unavoidable. Mr. Kossuth originated that measure, when he prevailed upon the parliament to entrust the executive power to an Extraordinary Commission for the Defence of the Country, of which he was appointed the president, and whose members, with the exception of Messaros and Pazmandy, were taken from the leaders of the radical party. Count Louis Battyhanyi stood aloof from the commission. That chivalrous nobleman refused to direct the war against his sovereign's troops, but with a strange inconsistency he volunteered as a private soldier to carry arms in defence of his country.
On the 29th of September, the day after Lamberg's assassination, the Hungarian army was drawn up on the high level between Sukuro and Pakozd, to defend the road from Stuhlweissenburg to Buda. Their right wing rested on Csala, their centre occupied the Sukuro road, and their left wing and reserve leant on Velencze. They mustered 16,000 men, troops of the line, national guards, and volunteer corps, with a few irregular battalions. They had thirty-six field-pieces. This small force was the nucleus of that great army, which a few months later threatened the existence of the Austrian empire, and which remained unconquered even when the power of Russia came to the rescue of the Habsburg dynasty.
The Ban Jellachich brought 30,000 men and fifty-eight pieces of artillery into the field. He attacked the right
wing of the Hungarians with the intention of turning their flank and driving them into the ponds of Velencze. His centre attempted, at the same time, to force the Hungarian centre on the Sukuro road, and by this means to advance upon Buda. But the Croats shrank from the attack; and when, after four hours' skirmishing, the Hungarians showed no disposition to retreat from the field, the Ban withdrew his army, and retreated to Stuhlweissenburg. General Moga, who bivouacked on the field of battle, retreated on the following day, and pitched his camp at Martonvasar. His partial success, magnified by popular rumour, and announced as a splendid victory, roused the peasantry against the Croatian invaders. The tocsin sounded from all the steeples in their rear. Intimidated and obstructed on his line of retreat, the Ban solicited and obtained an armis
tice of three days. According to the rules of war, which all civilized nations know and respect, the belligerent armies must, during an armistice, remain in the exact positions which they occupied at the time of its conclusion. It is a breach of faith either to advance or to retreat. The Ban Jellachich pledged and forfeited a soldier's honour, when, on the 1st of October, he turned aside, and led his army in forced marches against the Austrian frontier. On the second day of his march, he reached Kisber, and desired admittance into the fortress of Komorn. The gates of that fortress were closed against him. Marching onwards through Raab, he crossed the frontiers of Austria Proper on the 6th of October.
According to the terms of the truce, the armistice expired on the 3rd of October. On that day the Hungarian forces were led against Stuhlweissenburg, where they found an empty camp. But the Croatian reserve force, which, commanded by the generals Roth and Phillipovich, hastened to join the Ban Jellachich, arrived too late to accompany him on his flight. They received the news of his march on the road, and turned aside to follow him into Austria. But at Ozora, where they attempted to cross the river Sió, they
were opposed by the national guards of Tolna, and finally compelled to surrender to an Hungarian corps of 6000 men, under Colonel M. Perczel,
and Major Arthur Georgey. On the 6th of October, these two young officers received the swords of two generals, and fifty-one officers of various grades, and returned to Pesth with 8000 prisoners, twelve pieces of artillery, and a large number of baggage and ammunition wagons. Another Croatian force of 3000 men, which had been left in charge of the depôts of Gross and Klein Kansisha, was attacked and routed by the national guards of the countries of Zala and Eisenburg. Of the 40,000 troops which the Ban Jellachich led into Hungary, he brought but 15,000 into Austria; and so poor and neglected was the condition of this remnant, that the disaffected among the Viennese used to say that the Ban's soldiers had lost their shoes by dint of hard running.
The court and the cabinet had, meanwhile, presumed to anticipate Jellachich's success. His own reports and bulletins caused them to believe him marching from victory to victory. So great was the confidence of the leader and his officers, that they issued instructions to have their letters sent to Pesth. The Ban
announced on the 28th of September, that Buda and Pesth were to be occupied within the next three days. His dispatches to that effect reached Vienna simultaneously with the news of the assassination of Count Lamberg. To reward the success of their ally, and to retaliate upon the people which defied the court and murdered its agents, it was resolved to strike another, and this time a decisive blow against the cabinet, the parliament, and the nationality of Hungary.
On the 3rd of October, the Emperor was induced to sign a manifesto, which dissolved the parliament, reversed its resolutions, proclaimed martial law, and the suspension of ordinary jurisdiction throughout Hungary, and invested the Ban with the full power and authority of an Imperial Commissioner and Alter Ego of the Sovereign, so that whatever the Ban of Croatia should order, regulate, determine,
and command,' was to be considered 'as ordered, regulated, determined, and commanded' by the Emperor himself. Letters were at the same time addressed to the military commanders in Hungary, ordering them to obey the Ban's instructions in all things, and to subject all their measures to his approval. Care was taken to defeat the constitutional opposition of the Pesth parliament by a strict adherence to forms; and Baron Recsey, a lieutenant in the guards, consented, for a donation of 16007., to endorse these arbitrary and violent edicts. The rest, it was thought, might safely be left to the victorious Jellachich. But as some resistance was expected in the Magyar districts, measures were taken to convey troops and artillery into Hungary. These auxiliaries were to leave Vienna on the 6th of October. On their march through the town, they were surrounded by a mob, and entreated not to fight against the Hungarians, since the Austrian liberties were bound up with those of Hungary. The soldiers wavered and hesitated. The officers in command urged them on. Violent language was resorted to: blows followed. Some companies fired upon the populace, others supported the people. A frightful carnage ensued. The labourers, national guards, and students, supported by the mutineers, put the troops to flight, stormed the arsenal and the War-office, and killed Count Latour, the secretary at war, whose duplicity and treasonable correspondence with Jellachich, though long suspected, had but lately been exposed. The Emperor and his family fled to Moravia in the course of the night, and on the morning of the 7th October, when the fugitive Ban approached Vienna, he was met by the news of a successful revolution.
Foremost among the charges which the Austrian writers in the cabinet and the press have advanced against the Hungarian parliament, stands the accusation that the Vienna revolution and the assassination of Count Latour were provoked by Hungarian advice and bribes. The Count Louis Batthyanyi, in particular, has been charged with having, by means of Francis Pulszky, notoriously the least scrupulous and
most subtle of Mr. Kossuth's partisans, corrupted the Austrian press, Parliament, and soldiery. This accusation remains unsubstantiated. Though often repeated, no credible evidence has been brought forward in support of it; and the Austrian writers, while they state it is asserted by a respectable witness'-a person well acquainted with the state of the case deposes'-have never yet been able to support their allegations by quoting a single witness whose name and character would convince an impartial and conscientious judge. Their gratuitous assertion that three of the most important classes of society-Austrian journalists, legislators, and soldierswere open to wholesale bribery, proves the degradation of a government which volunteers to defame its own nation, merely to colour an act of private revenge.
If any proof were wanting to show that the Vienna revolution of October, 1848, was an unpremeditated act of popular enthusiasm and ferocity, it might be furnished by the conduct of the Viennese and the Hungarians after the eventful day, which established an impassable gulf between the Habsburg dynasty and its subjects. The citizens of Vienna, astonished and awed by their own success, took no steps to follow up their victory, to defeat the rest of the Emperor's troops, which were encamped within gun-shot of the capital, and throw the disorganized band of the Croats back upon their Hungarian pursuers. These last, in their turn, might have marched into Austria, occupied the capital, and detached armed bands into the disaffected districts of Styria, Austria Proper, and Gallicia. The two combined might have carried the burning cross from one extremity of the empire to the other. Nothing of the kind was attempted. The revolutions of 1848 were all alike: they professed to despise despotic power, and the delay and duplicity of diplomatic transactions; but they were as arbitrary in their sway, and as dilatory and intriguing in their proceedings, as the governments which they sought to displace. The Viennese wasted their time in sending ambassadors and deputations to the Emperor at Olmutz and to the
Hungarian general, Moga, at Parendorf; General Moga in his turn sent messengers to treat with the common council and the parliament of Vienna. The Viennese wished the Hungarians to occupy their town without a special invitation. The Hungarians professed to respect the Austrian territory, and though desirous of occupying the capital, they waited for the Vienna parliament to give them a bill of indemnity.
While compliments and professions of sympathy and goodwill were thus being bandied between the headquarters of the two insurrections, the fugitive Imperial family took the most effective measures to regain their power, and revenge themselves on their enemies. German, Bohemian, and Polish regiments marched upon Vienna, under the command of Prince Windischgrätz, a Moravian landowner and officer of high rank in the Austrian army, whose services during the insurrection at Prague, in the summer of 1848, had been so successful that he was just then considered the chief support of the house of Habsburg. This general's troops, supported by the forces under Auersperg and Jellachich, invested the capital on all sides, and stormed the suburbs at the point of the bayonet. The fortified city capitulated after a siege of eight days; but the capitulation was broken when the news of the advance of the Hungarians spread among the besieged, and the insurgents, at length reduced by a general attack of the Imperialists, were treated with atrocious and revolting cruelty.
The Hungarian general, Moga, who would gladly have escaped the responsibility and danger of attacking the Emperor's army, was at length compelled by the distrust and the exasperation of his officers to cross the river Laytha, which forms the frontier between Austria Proper and Hungary. On the evening of the 29th October, he bivouacked at Schwadorf, and the following day he advanced upon the Austrians at Schwechat, with 16,000 regular troops, 14,000 irregulars, and ninety pieces of artillery. The united armies of Windischgrätz, Jellachich, and Auersperg numbered 80,000 old troops, with 250 pieces of cannon. The Imperialist ge