much more secure were the severity of the present punishment for forgery mitigated. Mr. Samuel Hoare's evidence was also highly worthy the attention of the House. That gentleman informed the committee, that in most cases in which the life of a prisoner was endangered, he observed, that there was great reluctance to prosecute, but in a case of forgery more than in any other; and that, instead of thinking that the security of property would be diminished by a mitigation of punishment, he was persuaded it would be increased. Mr. Goldsmid, the broker to the Bank of England, declared that he knew many hundred instances, in which the capital punishment had prevented prosecutions for forgery.

Sir, I will not fatigue the House by any further details of this nature. When the report comes to be printed, I am persuaded that the evidence which it contains will be read with no ordinary interest. I shall now, therefore, close the observations with which I have troubled the House, by merely stating the general instructions which I have received from the committee. The committee desire that I will propose the introduction of two distinct bills. The one, a bill for the abolition of 35, or perhaps rather more capital felonies. The other, a bill to consolidate and amend the existing laws respecting forgery; to bring them all into one statute, and to make such amendments as may seem expedient. I proceed to give a general idea of the proposed amendments. And here I beg to observe, that besides the general evidence given before the committee, to which I have already adverted, there are other considerations-considerations of policy of a very grave nature-which ought to induce the House to consider the amendment of the laws respecting forgery as an imperative duty. Parliament has recently adopted a most important, and, in my opinion, a highly beneficial measure; a measure which I trust no temptation or occurrence will ever induce it to repeal. It has pledged itself to return to the ancient standard of our currency-to that intrinsically valuable standard, which so long existed in this country, in common with the other countries of the civilized world. It has pledged itself to abandon -what I trust will never under any circumstances be re-adopted-a system, which, however it might be excused by the extraordinary pressure of the time at

which it was taken, is acknowledged by every body to be inconsistent with all those principles on which the permanent well-being of society depends. In doing this, nevertheless, we cannot dissemble from ourselves that we are taking a step, which, however beneficial on the whole, must be attended with partial danger, with considerable sacrifices, with serious injury to individuals. Under the agitating circumstances necessarily consequent on so great a change, it appears to me to be the policy of parliament to give character and popularity to the change itself, by removing from the laws which regulate our paper currency the odious imputation of a sanguinary character, which the execution of those laws has but too frequently warranted. In my opinion, parliament ought to render the measure it is about to adopt as acceptable to the public as it can. This seems to me, to be also expedient for the sake of the Bank of England, which has of late been charged, and perhaps unjustly, with conduct not altogether reconcilable to the principles of justice, or at least of humanity. Sir, it is most desirable, that all these things should, if possible, be forgotten. It is most desirable that they should be imputed to the necessities of the times, and be dismissed from men's minds. Sincerely do I wish that the Bank of England may continue the inspectors of our domestic circulation; and that they may continue to afford aid to government, if government should need their assistance; and therefore do I also wish, that we may signalize the great change which is about to take place, by such alterations in the law as may restore to the Bank, and to all connected with recent events of a financial nature, the character which has at least been so seriously endangered. Sir, the amendments in the law proposed by the committee are founded on this principle. It appears to them, that as long as the small notes of the Bank of England continue in circulation, forming as they do a great portion of the currency of the country, it may be right to place them on the same footing as the metallic currency of the same value. With great pain and reluctance, therefore, the committee recommend, that the actual forgers of those notes shall continue subject to capital punishment. At the same time, the committee suggest that it may be worthy the consideration of parliament to inquire into the expediency of adopting the sug

gestion of the commissioners appointed to examine into the means of preventing the forgery of bank notes, to offer an unusually high reward for the detection of the actual forgers of those notes. There does not appear to me to be any danger in this proposition. No jury will convict no jury ought to convict-on the evidence of informers alone. A verdict of guilty can be pronounced only on the discovery of the materials and implements necessary for carrying on the illegitimate manufacture. I repeat that no jury will convict on the evidence of an informer, without these corroborating circumstances. With respect to the utterer of forged notes, it is proposed by the committee to lighten the law. It is proposed to punish the first offence either with transportation or with hard labour, at the discretion of the judge; but to place the offender on the second or third offence on the footing of the common utterer of money, prosecutable capitally; leaving it, however, open to the prosecutor, to prosecute if he shall think fit as for a first offence. It is not proposed by the committee to make any change with respect to the person found in possession of forged notes, except that it shall be left to the discretion of the judge, whether to subject him to imprisonment, or to hard labour.

These, Sir, are the measures which I am instructed by the committee to recommend to the House. I will close my observations by endeavouring to describe what appears to me, from the evidence before the committee, and from other sources, to be the general opinion of the public on this interesting and important subject. The number of the petitioners whose petitions are on our table, praying for a mitigation of the criminal law, exceeds 12,000. We have besides, the petitions of the corporations of London, of Norwich, of Portsmouth, &c. We have the petitions of numerous grand juries, and of a large portion of the clergy. But the petition from the city of London alone, speaking, as it does, the sentiments of the great majority of the metropolis, conveys the opinion and wishes of a much greater number of persons than those I have already mentioned. All the witnesses who have been examined before the committee concur in declaring that the severity of the law ought to be mitigated, and that such are the sentiments of the majority of those with whom they are acquainted. It is the deliberate opi

nion of the public at large. It is no popular clamour, likely to subside with the temporary cause which gives it voice. It is the well-grounded persuasion of that numerous and respectable class of society, to the soundness of whose sentiments I have endeavoured, however feebly, to do justice. It is the decided conviction of all, that it is impossible to execute the laws as they stand at present on our Statute book; and I am therefore justified in asserting, that there can by no possibility be any subject to which a wise legislature ought more speedily or more intensely to direct its attention. Sir, I move you that the report be printed [Loud cries of Hear, hear! followed this speech, which, during its delivery, was listened to by the House with profound attention].

The Report was ordered to be printed.

LORD E. FITZGERALD'S BILL.] A message from the Lords announced, that their lordships had passed a bill reversing the attainder on the late lord E. Fitzgerald.

Lord Castlereagh, in rising to propose that the House should agree to this measure without delay, expressed the gratification which he knew the illustrious individual in the exercise of regal authority in this country experienced at exercising the present gracious prerogative of sove reignty. It was highly gratifying to those who were connected with that part of the empire to which the measure especially referred, to contemplate that tranquil state which rendered the present proposition so advisable. He repeated, that it was highly gratifying to the illustrious representative of the sovereign to consult, by this act, the feelings of one of the most illustrious families of which the empire could boast; and to him (lord C.) who, in his official character in Ireland, had been the painful witness of the circumstances out of which the proceeding that the proposed bill went to overturn arose, it was extremely gratifying to be the humble instrument of proposing to the House a measure, the adoption of which would, he trusted, assist in the consummation of that for which every good and honest mind must wish-the oblivion of all the circumstances in which the necessity for it originated.

Lord W. Fitzgerald could not refrain from expressing his sense of this gracious act on the part of his royal highness. It was a truly gracious and noble act, con

ferring the highest obligation on those who were connected with the objects of it. He could not sit down without acknowledging the kind and liberal manner in which ministers had carried into effect the commands of their royal master.

Sir F. Burdett congratulated the House and the country on the introduction of the present bill, which he characterized as an act, which although one of justice, yet evinced a magnanimous feeling on the part of the Prince Regent, that entitled him to the warmest attachment and gratitude [Hear, hear!].

Mr. V. Fitzgerald also expressed his unequivocal approbation of the proposed

measure.

The bill was read a first and second time.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Wednesday, July 7. INSOLVENT DEBTORS BILL.] Lord Auckland, in consequence of its being impossible, at that late period of the session, to come to any agreement respecting the provisions in the Insolvent Debtor's Bill, moved to postpone it for three months, stating that he should give his support to the bill which it was understood would be sent up from the other House, for continuing, for a limited time, the old Insolvent act.

After a few words from lord Redesdale and the lord chancellor, the motion was agreed to.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Wednesday, July 7. CAMELFORD ELECTION.] Mr. D. W. Harvey, after stating that he thought some further inquiry relative to the borough of Camelford necessary, in consequence of the reports of two committees, and that there would not be time in the present session to pursue and complete that inquiry, moved a resolution that the House would renew the investigation early in the next session, and that the Speaker should not issue his writ for a new election until 10 days after the next meeting of the House. Mr. Primrose argued against the resolution, contending that the evidence of Mr. Hallet put an end to all imputation upon the two sitting members, and in a great degree relieved the borough from the general charge of corruption. He moved, as an amendment, that the report (VOL. XL.)

of the committee be now taken into consideration.

Mr. Tremayne thought that the special report of the select committee was fully warranted by the evidence, and that the two sitting members had been brought within the 49th Geo. 3rd: if the evidence against them was circumstantial, it was because Mr. Hallet and Mr. Harvey had kept out of the way.

Lord Ebrington said, that if ever there was a case in which the House was bound to interfere, either from a regard to its own consistency, or for carrying into effect that most moderate species of reform which so many members of it (though hostile to any general measure) had expressed themselves anxious to have adopted, he did not see how they could avoid pursuing the same course, in the instance of Camelford, which they had with respect to other boroughs, wherein the same practices had been detected. It should be recollected, that at Penryn, which the House had so justly visited with its condemnation, the report of the committee had been confined to a few cases of individual bribery; whereas here, we have the collective sentiments of two committees in the same session-the former, as to the general corruption of the borough, and the latter, as to the persons who had been the principal actors in these disgraceful scenes. His hon. friend had argued, that because Mr. Hallet had stated in evidence, that his corrupt proposal to the electors of Camelford had not been accepted, it was therefore to be presumed that they were altogether innocent; for his own part, he could draw no such conclusion, nor, when he considered the very suspicious circumstances under which Mr. Hallett came before them, and the manner in which he had given that evidence, could he place any great reliance on his testimony in this case. He thought the House could not hesitate a moment as to the necessity of withholding the writ till next session, that we might then effectually prosecute that inquiry which the facts before us so imperiously called for.

Lord Normanby expressed his decided concurrence in the opinion of the noble lord with regard to the propriety of transferring the right of voting from boroughs convicted of general corruption, for he could not conceive the justice of still leaving the right of voting to those who had abused that right by the grossest corruption, which must be the case ac(5 F)

cording to the system of merely extending that right to the adjoining hundreds.

Mr. Gurney said, he had heard the latter part of the noble lord's speech with great satisfaction, and did hope if these boroughs were disfranchised, that Manchester and Birmingham would take their place in the representation, and not the adjacent hundreds. Perhaps there could be no instance in which this hundred system would appear more strikingly absurd than this of Camelford. Camelford was made a free borough by Richard, king of the Romans, in 1259; It is not even a parish Lanteglos, the parish in which it is situate, contains, by the last population returns, only 1,100 inhabitants. It never sent members to parliament till the last year of Edward 6th, when the duchy of Cornwall being in the Crown, and the Commons having refused to pass the bills of attainder against the adherents of Somerset, Dudley, duke of Northumberland, dissolved the parliament, sent a circular to the sheriffs, stating whom they were to return, and first summoned nine Cornish boroughs, of which Camelford was one, the mayor, eight aldermen, and ten freemen being the only voters; and Camelford, now before the House a second time the same session, is situated in a hundred, which includes another borough of the like description, whilst there are eight bo. roughs in the three hundreds adjoining. He could hardly avoid the remark, that the House had been referred to the reign of queen Elizabeth as the purest period of our parliamentary history, whilst, in fact, the duchy of Cornwall still remaining in the Crown, queen Elizabeth summoned seven more Cornish boroughs, in addition to those first receiving precepts under Edward 6th, making part of 31 boroughs,'added to the representation during her reign, and every one boroughs of nomination. Now, the first precedent of throwing a borough to the hundreds being so extremely modern, as well as so perfectly anomalous, and the introduction of important places to the right of furnishing representatives to parliament supported by so long a series of precedents, as, for example, the Welsh counties and towns in the reign of Henry 8th; Durham so late as that of Charles 2nd.

Lord Castlereagh here rose to order, remarking that the question into which the hon. member was entering, was not yet ripe for discussion, and in order that the inquiry should be really bona fide, he

recommended the postponement of its further progress until the next session.

Mr. Gurney said, he must confess that he had been considerably out of order in alluding to what had passed in former debates; but if any more of these boroughs were to be disfranchised, he did consider the subsequent proceedings of the House of such extreme importance, in the present state of public opinion, that he was anxious to express his hope that the course would be taken which, in his mind, could alone lead to any advantage, and the only one defensible on any ground either of reason, or ancient precedent.

The resolutions moved by Mr. Harvey were then agreed to.

INSOLVENT DEBTORS BILL.] Mr. Abercromby rose to obtain leave to bring in a bill for the purpose of continuing the act now in existence for a limited term. The House was aware, that the new bill, prepared by a committee of its own appointment, and approved after long and repeated discussions, by the House itself, had been rejected in another place. The general principle of that bill was one for rendering the administration of justice with respect to insolvent debtors analogous to that of the bankrupt laws. In the circumstances, however, under which the House was now placed, it appeared to him, that the most advisable course which could be pursued was, to pass a short bill, extending the duration of the present act till the expiration of three months after the commencement of the next session. The general object appeared to him so manifestly desirable, the evil of overflowing gaols and the demands of humanity and justice so obvious, that he could not doubt what would be the decision of the House. He then moved for leave to bring in a bill, for continuing, during a limited period, the acts of the 53rd, 54th, and 56th of his present majesty, relative to the law of Insolvent Debtors.

Sir W. Curtis feared, that too many persons already in gaol were there as voluntary inhabitants, and thought it would be much more expedient to let the present act die a natural death.

Mr. Waithman conceived that no ground whatever had been laid for the course proposed. The committee that sat during the present session, had received evidence which clearly established all the griev ances complained of in the various petitions which had been presented to the

House. He felt satisfied, that the authors of the rejected bill were the best friends to the unfortunate debtor; and that it was the duty of the House to resist the course of legislation which it was now attempted to introduce.

Lord Castlereagh said, that when he found that if no new law could be perfected, the consequence must be a return to the old, with all its acknowledged inconveniences, he could not hesitate to give his support to the present motion.

Mr. Calcraft declared, that he felt a little sore at the manner in which the old law had been treated, nor was he satisfied with the reasons assigned for renewing the present act. Under all the circumstances, however, he should vote for the motion.

Mr. G. Lamb declared his aversion to any continuance of the existing law. Parliament had temporised too long upon this subject, and he should certainly prefer a return for a limited time to the old system. Mr. Serjeant Onslow disapproved of any adjournment till some understanding on this subject had been come to with the other House.

Lord Ebrington, though he regretted to oppose what was intended as an act of grace to many unfortunate individuals, yet could not but complain of such a proposition as this, after the numerous petitions, showing the gross system of fraud and abuse produced by the operation of this bill. To remedy these evils, a measure had been framed by the labours of a most industrious and effective committee, which appeared to reconcile the contending interests and opinions of all parties affected by it; but which, after receiving the unanimous concurrence of that House, was now thrown out by the Lords, because at that period of the session, they could not afford sufficient time for its discussion. And under these circumstances, we were invited to renew the former act, stigmatized as it was by the complaints of our constituents, and by our own recorded opinion of its mischief and absurdity. As to the objection about the funds in the hands of the court, he thought it would be much more expedient to bring in a specific bill to guard those funds, and to revert to the old law till next session.

Mr. Courtenay was strongly disposed to concur with the sentiments of his noble friend who had just sat down. It was impossible to overlook the evil consequences of the law as it now stood.

Sir James Mackintosh considered the present measure the best, under existing circumstances, that could be suggested for carrying into effect the petitions of the people. The wish of the public was, either that the present law should be amended, or that a new one should be enacted; but they did not expect that this was to be done in a day. Sufficient time must be allowed to enable the legislature to give effect to this wish; and that time, the measure of his hon. and learned friend was calculated to afford. If we once got under the operation of the old law, we should find it extremely difficult to revert to that principle which constituted the best part of the present act-the cessio bonorum. At present the prisons were crowded with debtors, who had been led to expect liberation under the act; and there was, therefore, a sort of parliamentary pledge that these expectations should not be disappointed. He could not refrain from observing, that in his opinion the law of debtor and creditor looked too little to property, and too much to the person.

Sir R. Wilson said, that the measure of his hon. and learned friend met with his entire approbation.

After some further conversation, the House divided: Ayes, 80; Noes, 26. A bill was then brought in, which was allowed to go through the several stages, and passed.

SLAVE TRADE.] Mr. Wilberforce said, that the object of his present motion was, that the efforts of his majesty's ministers should be renewed with those foreign powers that had formerly carried on the Slave Trade, but had passed laws for abolishing that trade, in order to induce those powers to take measures for the more effectually carrying the abolition into execution. In consequence of the communications made by his noble friend (Castlereagh) to the powers assembled at Vienna, one of the most forcible declarations ever penned was unanimously adopted by all the great powers at Vienna, denouncing the African slave trade, as contrary to every principle of humanity, and as one of the greatest practical evils that ever existed. There was now but one single power, Portugal, which had not declared the slave trade a mass of injustice and cruelty, and fixed a definite time for the termination of that trade. Spain had abolished it absolutely to