not ministers immediately afford redress? | If even doubtful, why not institute a strict and immediate inquiry? If it were deemed good policy still to confine this victim of adversity, in the name of religion, humanity, and justice, let him be treated with every indulgence, kindness, and tenderness, and let not the honour of the country be tarnished by marking towards him vindictive malice and ignominious treatment, much less unnecessary cruelty. Perpetual incarceration should surelysatisfy the most malignant and revengeful." The state policy and political expediency of perpetuating legitimate despotism, under the sanction of British law," would, he had thought have been abhorrent to every freeman. But if Napoleon must continue a state prisoner, no expense should be spared to furnish him with every comfort and, if possible, with every luxury, he should be placed where he should enjoy, without insult or taunt, the benefit of a salubrious climate, not confined to one proverbially bad. He was confident, notwithstanding the distresses of the country, that there was no individaal in it who would not for the mere purposes of humanity, readily contribute to this object. Even ministers had originally pledged themselves to ameliorate his condition in every way. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that instead of the expenses on the St. Helena station costing the country 500,000l., they did not cost more than one quarter of the sum. He then read a resolution of one of the committees lately agreed to by the House, and said that it called upon the executive government to do that which parliament could not itself do in the recess-he meant, to make retrenchments. So little was the execu. tive inclined to shrink from the duty imposed upon it, that already was the work of retrenchment commenced, and the commission of inquiry issued. When he said this, he was not sanguine enough to expect that great retrenchments would be made, though he was far from wishing to discourage the House from expecting that some would be made. He could not help observing, with regard to the customs, that in former times the officers in that branch of the public service had in general been paid in fees which devolved to them; whereas at present all that came through their hands came into the public treasury, as their salaries were no longer paid by fees, but by a stipulated allowance given them by government. He concluded by moving that the debate on these resolutions be postponed until this day three months. Sir H. Parnell spoke inreply as follows: If, Sir, I felt myself under the necessity of seeking for an excuse for any errors in the resolutions, I could readily have found it in the assertion, that at least 100 folio volumes ought to have been carefully read by me, to prepare myself for the task of framing these resolutions. But, Sir, after all the loud and repeated assertions of the right hon. gentleman and noble lord opposite, I do not find myself in a situation to require me to make any excuse for the incorrectness of these resolutions. On the contrary, when I consider how many statements of figures they contain, I am surprised to find that I have escaped without more of them having been shown to be inaccurate. What, Sir, is the actual result of all that has been said against them? Why, that two of them are inaccurate; one relating to the office of secretary at war, the other relating to the Pay office. But before I proceed to make some remarks upon the War office and Pay office, I must stop to notice the tone and manner which the noble lord has thought proper to assume in delivering his sentiments upon these resolutions. He has not been satisfied with observing upon the inaccuracy in the 26th resolution, which I my. self corrected, but he has thought proper to infer with an appearance of great triumph over me, from the inaccuracy of this resolution, that all the others were equally incorrect, and that I had proved myself incapable of the task which I had undertaken. Nothing was more easy nor is more common, than for a gentleman at the head of a very extravagant department, to get up and make assertions of this kind and, knowing how much weight a confident manner and a show of superior official information will carry with them, to attempt to impress upon the House such inferences which could not be sustained by facts, or a plain examination of the question. But the profusion and waste of public money in the public departments is too visible and notorious to allow these expedients to succeed, and though I may be exposed to the censure of the noble lord, I shall not be turned aside from my object, nor do I feel, from any thing that he has said, that I have any reason to doubt my being able to show that there exists in his office, as well as in every other office concerned in the expenditure of public money, a most extravagant scale of unnecessary and unjustifiable expense. In respect to the error in framing the 26th resolution, I am able to say the error is not mine but that of the report of the committee of finance of 1797. In looking for the expense of the establishment of the office of secretary at war in 1796, I found the following statement. "Appendix (Q 2) establishment of the office of his majesty's secretary at war as it stood at Christmas 1796"-under which head is stated the salary of each officer-and a total of 8,2561. No note is made to lead the reader to suppose that there could possibly be any additional item, but it appears, that in official language the establishment of an office does not mean the expense which the country pays for an office, and that although an office may be returned at 8,256l. for its establishment, it may actually cost the country 42,7317. over and above that sum by payments made in the shape of fees in this way it is, that the actual establishment of the War office cost 51,290. in 1796, instead of 8,256l. and that I have been led to make the mistake which appears to have been made in the 26th resolution. Another mistake has been made in stating the establishment of the Pay office at 15,3541. But here again the error originates with the report of the committee of finance of 1797. In stating the salaries of the deputy paymasters, the salary is given at 14. 10s. per diem each, and a total sum is given which every one would read as if for 6 paymasters, in consequence of an omission to repeat the word "each." In this way it appears that the sum of 20,7291. ought to be in the resolution in place of the sum of 15,354. -The noble lord has attempted to show an inaccuracy in the 25th resolution respect ing the commander in chief's office. He says that to the sum of 8131. the contingencies of the office ought to have been added to make a fair contrast in the establishment of the office in 1819-but the resolution, by dividing the present establishment into two sums, one for salaries and the other contingencies, shows the exact comparison between the amount of salaries now and in 1793. The noble lord has attributed to me, that I was ignorant of their being no commander in chief in 1793, by giving a wrong construction to the words" exclusive of any salary to the commander in chief". But he has here fallen into a great error; because I se lected the word "any" and did not make use of the word "the" as I would have done if there had been a commander in chief. The noble lord has boasted of the sums which have been recovered for the public by that part of his office which is employed at an expense of 18,000l. per annum in examining the arrear accounts, but here, he wholly mistakes the purport of my resolutions. For what I complain of is, that there should exist any opportunity of thus recovering the public money, that the public money should be exposed to such jeopardy; and that after paying such an enormous sum annually for the noble lord's office for settling accounts, which is the whole business of the office, that the work is not done; that the accounts remain unsettled; that public accountants are allowed this opportunity of defrauding the public; and that an extra establishment is to be kept up at an expense of 18,000l. per annum to do the business which ought to have been done by the office under its regular establishment.-The noble lord has spoken of the 31st resolution which recommends the consolidation of the military offices of paymaster of the army, treasurer of the navy, and treasurer of the ordnance, as one which would be wholly subversive of all proper control, and the whole established system of managing the public money. But this is merely an official opinion in favour of old rules and extravagant establishments. Because if there is one resolution more supported by sound authority than another, it is this resolution: The finance committee of 1817 in speaking of the office of treasurer of the navy say, "The duty of this department differs but little from that of an ordinary banker." The duties of the pay master of the army and of the treasurer of the ordnance, are exactly similar. These officers receive the money for the army, navy, and ordnance imprest from the Treasury, and pay it upon proper official certificates, sent to them by the navy board, the secretary at war, and the ordnance board, to those who are entitled to receive it. The only difference between these officers and ordinary banks is, that the one is conducted upon principles of antient office rules, and the other upon the common principles of merchants and bankers. As to the office of paymaster of the army, the noble lord has not so much advantage over me from official experience as he may imagine, because I had an opportunity of ascertaining, when counts, that the examination of them is some years in arrear. This circumstance forms one of the most glaring proofs of the unfitness and extravagance of the in office myself as a lord of the Irish Treasury, the whole of the duties of this office; for in Ireland there was no paymaster, but all the business of that office was performed by the Irish Treasury-existing system for managing the public board. I have, therefore, acted as a pay- finances. For although this immense master of an army of 60,000 men, and I sum is annually paid, the public business can say positively that the proposed is not done; there is no adequate return consolidation might be effected without to the public for the money which is any detriment to the public service. The taken out of their pockets for settling right hon. gentleman (Mr. Long) has the public accounts. Every one who said that it was very incorrect to suppose can get hold of the public money under that the customs revenues could be col- the pretext of being a public accountant, lected for as low a per-centage as the ex- is able to calculate that he can escape cise revenues, and has attributed to me being detected of any abuse he may be the intention to blame the collection guilty of, for many years, for want of of the customs, because it is so much the enforcement of the laws for finally above that of the excise, but I have not examining and settling all public accounts. contrasted the two together with any such In respect to what had been said by the view. I only wish to show that the rate comptroller of the navy, I am ready to of collecting the customs, considering the admit that the changes which have taken nature of the business, is higher in pro- place in the way of making up the estiportion than it ought to be to the rate for mates, does not allow of a fair comparison collecting the excise, and I attribute the between the sums voted this year and in difference to the Treasury influence which 1795 for the Dock yards; but then the prevails in the one, and is but little known hon. member has not denied the fairness in the other. I mean distinctly to say of comparing the estimates for 1819 and this, that if the appointment of all the 1813, and this comparison is quite sufficustoms officers was vested in the board, cient to make out my case, which is this, the board would be able to collect the that if 212,142. was a proper sum in customs revenues at a lower rate than they 1813, the 10th year of war, 225,000%. now do collect them. The right hon. must be a very exorbitant one for the gentleman has endeavoured to show, that salaries and contingencies of the DockI have been incorrect in saying that a va- yards at home in 1819, the fourth year of riety of useless forms were required at peace. the Custom-house, because a number of alterations have been made since the date of the report of the commissioners of accounts, but I confidently assert, that the forms which I allude to still exist, and I feel that I am borne out in this assertion by the admission of the right hon. gentleman in the latter part of his speech, that he was now occupied as a member of a commission in preparing a report to recommend the abolition of many of the existing forms. The right hon. gentleman has found fault with the resolution which states, that the arrear in the examination of the public accounts of the auditors is owing, in some degree, to the interference of the Treasury; but in this resolution I have quoted the exact words of the 5th report of the committee of 1810. It is worthy of remark, that he has wholly omitted to take notice of the most material part of this resolution, which states that notwithstanding between The farther consideration of the Reso50 and 60,000l. a year is paid to the com-lutions was adjourned till this day three missioners for auditing the public ac- months. In regard to the general effect which I wish to produce by these resolutions in impressing upon the House a just notion of the great extravagance of our official system, I feel confident of succeeding, because I am fully borne out in all I have advanced in these resolutions by the reports of committees of this House, or of commissioners of inquiry. They all censure the interference of the Treasury for the sake of patronage; the perplexed plans of keeping the public accounts; the useless and confused forms of office; and the progressive increase of salaries, incidents, allowances, superannuities, and compensations in all the public offices. I certainly have heard nothing this evening to induce me to abandon the undertaking. I shall certainly bring forward the whole subject matter contained in the resolutions under separate heads and motions early in the ensuing session. STOREKEEPER-GENERAL'S DEPART- the present state of the country, both in its currency and its finances. MENT.] On the motion of Mr. Hume, the order was read for resuming the discussion of the Resolutions with respect to the Storekeeper-General's department, [see p. 1505] but, sir J. Marjoribanks moved that the House should be counted, after stating it as his opinion, that it would be indelicate to enter into such a discussion in so thin a House, and in the absence of gentlemen most competent to speak to the subject. The House was accordingly counted, and there being only 31 members present, an adjournment took place. Early, Sir, in the present session, we instituted an inquiry into the effects produced on the exchanges with foreign countries, and the state of the circulating medium, by the restriction on payments in cash by the Bank. This inquiry was most anxiously and most deliberately conducted, and in its result led to the conclusion, that it was most desirable, quickly, but with due precautions, to return to our ancient and healthful state of currency; that whatever might have been the expediency of the acts for the suspension of payments in cash at the different periods at which they were enacted (and doubtless they were expedient, whilst the country was involved in the most expensive contest that ever weighed down THE SPEAKER'S SPEECH TO THE the finances of any country), still that PRINCE REGENT ON PRESENTING THE the necessity for the continuance of these MONEY BILL.]__This day his royal high-acts having ceased, it became us with as ness the Prince Regent came in the usual state to the House of Peers. His royal highness having taken his seat on the throne, the gentleman usher of the Black Rod was directed to require the attendance of the House of Commons. In a few minutes the Speaker, attended by a great number of the members of the House of Commons, appeared at the bar. HOUSE OF LORDS. Tuesday, July 13. The Speaker delivered at the bar the following Speech: "May it please your Royal Highness; "We, his Majesty's faithful Commons of the united kingdom of Great Britain. and Ireland, in parliament assembled, attend your Royal Highness with our concluding bill of supply. "The subjects which have occupied our attention, have been more numerous, more various, and more important, than are usually submitted to the consideration of parliament in the same session. "Upon many of these subjects we have been engaged in long and unwearied examinations; but such has been the pressure of other business, and particularly of that which ordinarily belongs to a first session of parliament; and such the magnitude and intricacy of many of those inquiries, that the limits of the present session have not allowed of bringing them to a close. "But, Sir, of those measures which we have completed, the most prominent, the most important, and, as we trust, in their consequences, the most beneficial to the public, are the measures which have grown out of the consideration of (VOL. XL.) little delay as possible (avoiding carefully the convulsion of too rapid a transition) to return to our ancient system; and that if at any period, and under any circumstances, this return could be effected without national inconvenience, it was at the present, when this mighty nation, with a proud retrospect of the past, after having made the greatest efforts, and achieved the noblest objects, was now reposing in a confident, and, as we fondly hope, a well-founded expectation of a sound and lasting peace. "In considering, Sir, the state of our finances, and in minutely comparing our income with our expenditure, it appeared to us, that the excess of our income was not fairly adequate for the purposes to which it was applicable-the gradual reduction of the national debt. It appeared to us that a clear available surplus of at least 5,000,000l. ought to be set apart for that object. This, Sir, has been effected by the additional imposition of 3,000,000l. of taxes. "Sir, in adopting this course, his Majesty's faithful Commons did not conceal from themselves that they were calling upon the nation for a great exertion; but well knowing that honour, and character, and independence, have at all times been the first and dearest objects of the hearts of Englishmen, we felt assured, that there was no difficulty that the country would not encounter, and no pressure to which she would not willingly and cheerfully submit, to enable her to main(5 H) THE PRINCE REGENT'S SPEECH AT THE CLOSE OF THE SESSION.] The Prince Regent then delivered the following Speech: "My Lords and Gentlemen ; "It is with great regret that I am again obliged to announce to you the continuance of his Majesty's lamented indisposition. "I cannot close this session of parliament without expressing the satisfaction that I have derived from the zeal and assiduity with which you have applied yourselves to the several important objects which have come under your consideration. "Your patient and laborious investigation of the state of the circulation and currency of the kingdom demands my warmest acknowledgments; and I enter tain a confident expectation that the measures adopted, as the result of this inquiry, will be productive of the most beneficial consequences. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons; "I thank you for the supplies, which you have granted for the service of the present year. "I sincerely regret that the necessity should have existed of making any addition to the burthens of the people; but I anticipate the most important permanent advantages from the effort which you have thus made for meeting at once all the financial difficulties of the country; and I derive much satisfaction from the belief, that the means which you have devised for this purpose are calculated to press as lightly on all classes of the community as could be expected when so great an effort was to be made. "My Lords and Gentlemen ; "I continue to receive from foreign powers the strongest assurances of their friendly disposition towards this country. "I have observed with great concern the attempts which have recently been made in some of the manufacturing districts, to take advantage of circumstances of local distress, to excite a spirit of disaffection to the institutions and government of the country. No object can be nearer my heart than to promote the welfare and prosperity of all classes of his Majesty's subjects; but this cannot be effected without the maintenance of public order and tranquillity. "You may rely, therefore, upon my firm determination to employ for this purpose the powers intrusted to me by law; and I have no doubt that, on your return to your several counties, you will use your utmost endeavours, in co-operation with the magistracy, to defeat the machinations of those whose projects, if successful, could only aggravate the evils which it is professed to remedy; and who, under the pretence of reform, have really no other object but the subversion of our happy constitution." Then the Lord Chancellor, by the Prince Regent's command, said, "My Lords and Gentlemen; "It is the will' and pleasure of his royal highness the Prince Regent, acting in the name and on behalf of his Majesty, that this parliament be prorogued to Tuesday the 24th of August next, to be then here holden; and this parliament is accordingly prorogued to Tuesday the 24th of August next." |