Moreover the cost has increased tremendously, because of the necessity of holding two elections. Perhaps the difference is illustrated in the amounts paid out by Hanna and Procter respectively in 1896 and 1920, in behalf of their favorite candidates for the presidency. Procter paid out five times as much as Hanna, and even then he could not get his man in. And for that matter, the public at large had no more voice in the selection of Harding as a candidate in 1920 than it had in the choice of McKinley in 1896.

Probably a far more effective agent in reform has been the aroused interest of the public in elections, and in the conduct of the government. Newspapers and magazines have found that it is profitable to feature stories of political corruption, and as a result of the minute scrutiny the game of politics is cleaner than it was thirty years ago. Or at least if the politicians have not learned to be good, they are certainly more careful.

CHAPTER LX

THE WAR WITH SPAIN

REVOLUTION IN CUBA

The settlement of the currency question and the return of prosperity freed the American people from any serious concern for their affairs at home, and enabled them to transfer their ardent enthusiasm from the gold standard and free silver to the situation in Cuba. That island was undeniably in difficulties. Starting in 1895, a revolution against Spanish rule had plunged the population into trouble, and the policy of the Spanish government threatened every one residing there with ruin. The insurrection was due to dissatisfaction with the policies of the Spanish officials. Heavy taxes were levied, to support the Spanish army and navy in Cuba, and to pay the superabundant corps of Spanish officials. The natives felt that they were being exploited, with no advantages in return.

The revolt was guided and financed by a group of Cubans and their sympathizers in New York, the "Cuban Junta." Other Cubans who had become naturalized American citizens went back to the island to assist in the war, thereby getting themselves and the American government into diplomatic tangles. Tangible evidence of the desire of these Cuban-Americans to help the revolt was to be found in the numerous filibustering expeditions, at least seventy in all, sent out from American ports. The United States government stopped nearly half of them, but twenty-seven effected a landing in Cuba.

President Cleveland recognized the "insurgency" of the Cubans, but not "belligerency," that is, he recognized the fact of war, without formally according to the insurgents the privileges of regular warfare. Cleveland likewise warned American citizens to refrain from taking part in the rebellion, and to guard against any violations of neutrality. Americans found it hard to keep from interfering in Cuba, or from demanding interference. The policy of the insurgents combined with the retaliatory policy of the Spanish government was threatening one of the most fertile islands in the world with absolute ruin. The Cuban "army" consisted of ununiformed peasants, who could in

case of need completely lose their military identity by merging with the population. From their headquarters in the mountains the men could raid sugar and tobacco plantations, burn crops and buildings, and in general lay the country waste before the Spanish troops had time to arrive. When they did come, there was not a trace of any Cuban army to be found.

In order to meet this situation the Spanish government put two hundred thousand troops in Cuba, and sent over a new commander, General Weyler, to introduce his "reconcentration" policy. All the inhabitants of the country districts were ordered to move to fortified towns, and the transportation of provisions from town to town, except under military guard, was prohibited. This scheme of shutting off the food supply for the insurgents would have been permissible, if General Weyler had furnished the "reconcentrados" with food, adequate shelter, and medical attendance, but Weyler disregarded that part of his duty. These reconcentration camps soon became infested with disease, from which contagion was carried all over the island. The American Consul-General in Havana reported that in the province of Havana alone there had been 101,000 "reconcentrados." By December, 1897, 52,000 of them had died. There were probably about 400,000 in all gathered in the various camps, and everywhere the misery and suffering were indescribable. For hundreds of miles on a stretch the country had been made almost desert.

In 1894 the sugar crop had been about one million fifty thousand pounds, and the tobacco crop four hundred fifty thousand bales. In 1896 the figures were reduced to two hundred thousand tons of sugar,

1,050,000

and fifty thousand bales of tobacco. Exports from the United States 200,000N

to Cuba fell off from $23,600,000 in value to $7,512,000 in 1896. American capital to the extent of thirty million dollars was invested in Cuban plantations, and American citizens to the number of seven hundred or more had been herded in the filthy concentration camps along with the natives. Under the circumstances probably no government would have failed to protest.

President Cleveland informed Spain that the United States would be glad to assist the two parties in reaching a satisfactory settlement, on the basis of reforms, and complete autonomy. The Spanish government replied that Cuba already enjoyed "one of the most liberal political systems in the world," and that the United States could best promote the cause of peace by putting an end to the Amer

ican filibustering expeditions. Although Cleveland was anxious to have the outrages on the island brought to an end, he felt that the United States had no adequate grounds for intervention.

McKinley did not want war, and he tried to effect a peaceful settlement. While he was urging Congress to be patient, he was sending vigorous protests to the Spanish government, in which he made pointed references to the uncivilized and inhuman character of the war in Cuba. In the fall of 1897 the Spanish premier was assassinated, and the new government promised to improve conditions on the island. Specifically, it announced that the reconcentration scheme would be ended, and that Cuba would be given an autonomous government. On the strength of the actual change in personnel and the promised change in policy, McKinley asked Congress to give the new officials an opportunity to show whether or not they were sincere in their offer of reform.

THE APPROACH TO WAR

The new year found the Cuban problem in an exceedingly delicate phase. In the United States public opinion as well as the majority in Congress insistently demanded intervention, and McKinley was finding it constantly more difficult to keep Congress from declaring war. The younger, more sanguine men in Washington made no attempt to conceal their disgust at the President's caution. Two of them, Theodore Roosevelt, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, and Dr. Leonard Wood, an army surgeon, were so outspoken that they were commonly known as the "war party." "Well, young gentlemen," President McKinley would say, in meeting them on the street, "how is the war party to-day? Have you declared war yet?" In February, 1898, two incidents occurred which brought the United States and Spain to the very verge of war. On February 9, the New York Journal, owned by William Randolph Hearst, published a private letter written by Señor Dupuy de Lôme, the Spanish minister to the United States, in which the eminent Spaniard characterized President McKinley as a weakling "and a bidder for the admiration of the crowd, besides being a would-be politician who tries to leave a door open behind him while keeping on good terms with the jingoes of his own party." The minister's indiscretion in putting such sentiments on paper was matched only by the speed with which he cabled his resignation to Madrid; he managed to have it in the hands of

his foreign office before the American demand for his recall could be presented.

Just six days after the publication of this letter, on February 15, the United States battleship Maine was blown up in Havana harbor, a catastrophe resulting in the death of 260 members of the crew. The vessel had been sent down three weeks before to look after the interests of American citizens. The responsibility for the explosion has never been fixed. Investigations showed that two explosions had taken place, one apparently of a submarine mine, the other in the forward magazines. It is possible, though doubtful, that the initial explosion occurred inside the ship. Spanish officials or adherents may have sent the mine against it, or possibly Cuban insurgents, anxious to embroil the United States and Spain, may have been the guilty parties. The day after the disaster Roosevelt wrote that he “would give anything if President McKinley would order the fleet to Havana to-morrow. The Maine was sunk by an act of dirty treachery on the part of the Spaniards, I believe; though we shall never find out definitely, and officially it will go down as an accident."

The destruction of the Maine so aroused public and Congressional opinion that war was almost a foregone conclusion. On March 9, Representative Cannon introduced a bill appropriating fifty million dollars for defense. After that it was plain that war could be prevented only by the complete withdrawal of Spain from Cuba. On March 27, an ultimatum was sent to the Spanish government, demanding an immediate amnesty, to last until October 1, the immediate ending of the reconcentration policy, and the recognition of the right of the United States to act as arbiter between Spain and Cuba provided a satisfactory settlement had not been worked out before October 1.

The Spanish government seemed ready to accede to the demands, but in doing so it had to guard against the danger of revolution at home, and the task of satisfying everybody was not an easy one. On April 3, Woodford, the American minister at Madrid, cabled that the Spanish government was trying to find a formula which would meet McKinley's demands, and at the same time which would not look too much like surrender. Woodford was convinced that a peaceful settlement was possible. On April 9, Spain published an amnesty proclamation, and on the following day, Woodford cabled that Spain would concede to Cuba autonomy, complete independence, or the