Chau for ninety-nine years, and the recognition of German power over the greater part of the Shantung peninsula. These demands were duly granted, and embodied in a treaty signed in 1898.

While the Germans were establishing themselves in Shantung, Russia seized Port Arthur and took possession of a liberal stretch of territory to the north. Great Britain could not be outdone in the race for territory and concessions, and she secured a lease of WeiHai-Wei, in the province of Shantung, for as long a period as the Russians remained in Port Arthur. Shortly before this Great Britain had secured additional territory around Hong Kong, which she already held. France was firmly established in Southwestern China, on Kwangchau Bay, with a ninety-nine year lease. These fortunate powers all received, in addition to their respective territories, extensive and exclusive economic privileges within their spheres of influence. These grants were made in direct violation of earlier treaties with other powers, by which "most favored nation" rights had been accorded.

The United States had built up considerable trade in various Chinese ports, all of which would be lost if the partitioning powers were allowed to have their own way undisturbed. It would have been difficult, if not impossible, for the United States to attempt to reimburse herself, as the others had done, by forcible seizures of territory. But the acquisition of the Philippines made the United States a Far Eastern power, with the right to participate in commercial privileges in that region. This may explain why the German Admiral Diederichs had been so offensive in his attitude toward Dewey in Manila Bay.

When this Chinese situation became critical, John Hay was Secretary of State. In September, 1899, he addressed a note to Great Britain, Russia, and Germany, and later a similar one to France, Italy, and Japan, setting forth his doctrine of the "open door" in China. Each power was asked to agree, formally, that it would not interfere with any treaty port, or interest already established in its particular region, that it would enforce the Chinese tariff and no other, and that it would not discriminate against other foreigners in port charges or railroad rates.

Great Britain was willing to sign an agreement to that effect, but the other powers merely expressed agreement with the proposals "in principle," a phrase with a highly technical meaning in diplomacy.

No formal declaration indorsing Hay's suggestions was ever made, but he informed the governments that their acceptance in principle would be considered "final and definitive." This unexpected step placed the exploiting powers in a dilemma. If they refused to acquiesce in Hay's interpretation, they would make their purposes somewhat too obvious; if they did acquiesce, they might lose some of the special advantages which they hoped to get. On the whole Hay's venture may be regarded as a success, and the American commercial position in China was not seriously weakened.

While the world's great powers were trying to decide how much of China each one could lay hold of, the victim of these arrangements began to show symptoms of rebellion. Under the circumstances, it was easy to win adherents to an anti-foreign movement, and in the spring of 1900 the Boxer uprising occurred. Under the leadership of Prince Tuan and with the support of part of the Chinese army, the Boxers proceeded to seize territory and to murder foreigners. The rebels held the territory between Pekin and the coast. Because of the danger the powers decided to strengthen the legation guards in Pekin. On June 19, each foreign minister at Pekin received a note ordering him to withdraw within twenty-four hours. On the 20th Baron von Ketteler, the German minister, started for the Chinese foreign office to protest; on his way there he was shot and killed. From that day until August 14, when the allied relief expedition arrived, the rebels kept the legations under close siege. The British legation was transformed into a fortress, and the whole diplomatic corps took refuge there. The Boxers were determined to rid the country of the whole foreign menace, and the relief expedition arrived just in time to prevent a general massacre.

If earlier policies could be taken as a guide, the European powers and Japan would take advantage of the uprising to secure more territory and concessions. This might mean the end of the open door, and Hay determined to save that if possible. In a note to the allied powers he announced that the United States hoped to bring about permanent safety and peace for China, to preserve Chinese territorial integrity, to protect all rights guaranteed by treaty and international law, and to "safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire." The powers finally agreed to demand punishment for those taking part in the disturbances, the adoption of measures to prevent the recurrence of

violence, indemnities for losses suffered by the foreigners, and the improvement of relations with foreigners. In working out the details the United States urged moderation. The total amount of the indemnity was fixed at $333,000,000, of which the United States was awarded $24,000,000. The actual losses were figured at $11,000,000, and the United States paid back the surplus.

CHAPTER LXII

THE TRANSITION FROM MCKINLEY TO ROOSEVELT

Ordinarily a war resulting in increased territory and a noticeable departure from traditional foreign policy might be expected to affect politics; and the War with Spain left its mark on the campaign of 1900. It gave the Democrats an issue: anti-imperialism; and it had some slight influence in the selection of the Republican candidate for vice-president. But neither the underlying philosophy nor the relative strength of the two parties seemed to be influenced in any way by the contest. The Republicans were still the exponents of "Big Business," and as such not at all opposed to the extension of American territory. With the Republicans in office and in favor of annexation, the attitude of the Democrats was predetermined; they must oppose the acquisition of new colonies, especially the Philippines.

ROOSEVELT IN 1900

In striking contrast to the "battle" of 1896, the campaign of 1900 was colorless and uneventful. In general people approved of McKinley, and they were made content by the widespread revival of business prosperity. That the President would be renominated was taken for granted, and the only doubt was with reference to the second place on the ticket. Platt, the "easy boss" in New York, wanted to give Theodore Roosevelt the vice-presidential nomination; not by way of honoring him, but to get him out of the way. Roosevelt's career with the "Rough Riders" had made him a picturesque figure, and partly on the strength of his war record he became governor of New York. He wanted another term there, but his attitude toward trusts and toward reform was so unconventional that the managers preferred a different sort of governor.

When Platt first made the suggestion, Roosevelt was not aware of the real purpose back of it, so he considered the proposal solely on its merits. As an office the vice-presidency did not appeal to him. "In the Vice-Presidency I could do nothing," he wrote to Henry Cabot

Lodge. "I am a comparatively young man yet, and I like work. I do not like to be a figurehead." A day or two later he discovered the reason of Platt's suggestion. "In fact, all the big moneyed interests that make campaign contributions of large size and feel that they should have favors in return, are extremely anxious to get me out of the State. I find that they have been at Platt for the last two or three months and he has finally begun to yield to them and to take their view."

At first Roosevelt refused to agree. "The more I have thought it over," he wrote Platt, "the more I have felt that I would a great deal rather be anything, say professor of history, than Vice-President." On June 12, a week before the national convention met, Roosevelt asserted: "I will not accept under any circumstances, and that is all there is about it." But in the convention he found that the delegates from the Western states, anxious and eager to honor him, were determined to give him the nomination, and on the strength of that feeling he finally accepted. After the election was over, he wrote to a friend: “I do not expect to go any further in politics. . . . But I have had a first-class run for my money, and I honestly think I have accomplished a certain amount."

In the platform the Republican party assumed full credit for the expansion in industry and commerce then going on, and at the same time took pains to enlighten the country with reference to the danger of entrusting the government to the Democrats. A menace to prosperity, so the platform declared, "has always resided in Democratic principles, and no less in the general incapacity of the Democratic party to conduct public affairs. . . the country's prosperity when Democratic success at the polls is announced halts and ceases in mere anticipation of Democratic plunders and failure."

Concerning the "trusts" the Republicans had to say something, because of the widespread demand for reform, and after careful effort the following plank was produced; "While recognizing the necessity and legitimacy of honest aggregations of capital to maintain and extend our trade, especially our rapidly increasing foreign trade we condemn all conspiracies and combinations intended to restrict trade, limit production, and control prices, and favor such legislation as will effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses and protect and promote competition and secure the rights of producers, laborers and all who are engaged in industry and commerce."