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THE SOUTH REBUKES EDWARD EVERETT.

the feud to become chronic. Those who perpetuated it would be most unlikely to share bounteously in the distribution of Federal offices and honors. Then a new Presidential contest began to loom up in the distance, and all manner of speculations were current, and hopes were buoyant, with regard to it. Yet more: the Cotton culture was rapidly expanding, and with it Southern trade, bringing the Northern seaports more and more under their sway.

There had been an effort, in 1817, to secure the passage through Congress of a more effective Fugitive Slave Law, which was defeated, after a most spirited discussion. In 1826 (March 9th), the subject of Slavery was brought before the House by Mr. Edward Everett-then a new and very young member from Massachusetts-who incidentally expressed his hostility to all projects of violent Abolition, his readiness to shoulder a musket to put down a slave insurrection, and his conviction, with regard to Slavery, that, "while it subsists, where it subsists, its duties are presupposed and sanctioned by religion," etc., etc. But this strange outburst, instead of being gratefully hailed and welcomed, was repelled and reprobat

ร Roger Brooke Taney-now Chief Justice of the United States-in defending as a lawyer, in 1818, before a Maryland court, Rev. Jacob Gruber, charged with anti-Slavery inculcations and acts, thus happily set forth the old Revolutionary idea of Slavery, and the obligations it imposes:

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ed by the South. Mr. Mitchell, of Tennessee, though himself a slaveholder, pointedly dissented from it. Mr. C. C. Cambreleng, of New York, (a North Carolinian by birth and training), said:

"The gentleman from Massachusetts has gone too far. He has expressed opinions which ought not to escape animadversion. I heard them with great surprise and regret. I was astonished to hear him declare that Slavery-domestic Slavery-say what you will, is a condition of life, as well as any other, to be justified by morality, religion, and international law," etc., etc.

And John Randolph, of Virginia -himself a life-long slaveholder and opponent of the North-saw fit to say:

heart of that man from the North, who rises here to defend Slavery upon principle."

"Sir, I envy neither the head nor the

So that, so late as 1826, the doctrine of the essential righteousness and beneficence of Slavery had not yet been accepted in any quarter.3

Virginia, in 1829, assembled' a Convention of her people to revise their Constitution. Ex-President James Monroe' was chosen to preside, and was conducted to the chair by ex-President James Madison and Chief Justice Marshall. The first

may be attained. And, until it shall be accomplished, until the time come when we can point without a blush to the language held in the humanity will seek to lighten the galling chain Declaration of Independence, every friend of of Slavery, and better, to the utmost of his power, the wretched condition of the slave."

At Richmond, October 5th.

'Mr. Monroe, in a speech (November 2d), on the Basis of Representation, said, incidentally of Slavery:

"No imputation can be cast on Virginia in this matter. She did all that it was in her power to do to prevent the extension of Slavery, and to mitigate its evils so far as she could."

for the White Basis, with some help from the East; and it was computed that the majority represented 402,631

earnest collision was on the White Basis, so called-that is, on the proposition that representation and political power should be apportioned of Free Population, and the minority to the several counties on the basis, but 280,000. But the minority was of their White population alone. The strong in intellect, in numbers, and Committee on the Legislative depart- in resolution, and it fought desperatement decided in favor of the White ly through weeks of earnest debate Basis by 13 to 11-James Madison's and skillful maneuvering. President vote giving that side the majority; Monroe, in December, resigned the but he voted also against the White chair, and his seat, and his constitBasis for the Senate, making a tie on uents offered the latter to General R. that point. A strong excitement B. Taylor aforesaid, who declined, having arisen on this question, Gen- when it was given to a Mr. Osborne. eral Robert B. Taylor, of Norfolk, an Finally, a proposition by Mr. Upshur advocate of the White Basis, resigned, (afterward Secretary of State) was so and his seat was filled by Hugh B. amended, on motion of Mr. Gordon, Grigsby, of opposite views. At as to prescribe, arbitrarily, that thirlength, the Convention came to a teen Senators should be apportioned vote, on the proposition of a Mr. to counties west of the Blue Ridge, Green, of Culpepper, that the White and nineteen to those east of it, with Basis be stricken out, and the Feder- a corresponding allotment of Deleal Basis (the white inhabitants with gates in four parcels to the various "three-fifths of all other persons") natural divisions of the State, and be substituted. This was defeated was carried by 55 Yeas to 41 NaysYeas 47 (including Grigsby afore- a motion that the Senate apportionsaid); Nays 49-every delegate vot- ment be based on Federal numbers, ing. Among the Yeas were ex- and that for the House on the White President Madison, Chief Justice population, having first been voted Marshall, Benjamin Watkins Leigh, down-48 to 48. So the effort of Philip P. Barbour, John Randolph the West, and of the relatively nonof Roanoke, William B. Giles, John slaveholding sections of Virginia, to Tyler, etc. Among the Nays (for wrest political power from the slavethe White Basis) were ex-President holding oligarchy of the tide-water Monroe, Philip Doddridge, Charles counties, was defeated, despite the F. Mercer, Chapman Johnson, Lewis sanguine promise at the outset; and Summers, etc. As a rule, Western the Old Dominion sunk again into (comparatively Free) Virginia voted the arms of the negro-breeders."

6 November 16th.

"Hezekiah Niles, in his Weekly Register of October 31, 1829, thus forcibly depicted the momentous issues for Virginia and the country, then hinging on the struggle in Richmond:

"VIRGINIA CONVENTION.-The committees having chiefly reported, 'the tug of war' between the 'old lights' and the new has commenced; and the question is to be settled whether trees and stones, and arbitrary divisions of land, with

almost as senseless herds of black slaves, or the free, tax-paying inhabitants of the State, shall have political power. Very important events will grow out of this convention, and their effect will not be confined to Virginia. We hope and believe, that the free white population of the State will be adopted as the basis of representation in the popular branch of the Legislatureindeed, it cannot be popular without it; but perhaps the Senate may be apportioned according to federal numbers, in which three-fifths of the

THE YOUTH OF BENJAMIN LUNDY.

Some years later (in 1831-2), on the occurrence of the slave insurrection in Southampton county, known as Nat. Turner's, her people were aroused to a fresh and vivid conception of the perils and evils of Slavery, and her Legislature, for a time, seemed on the point of inaugurating a system of Gradual Emancipation; but the impulse was finally, though with difficulty, overborne. Several who have since cast in their lot with the Slaveholders' Rebellion-among them Jas. C. Faulkner, late Minister to Eng. land-at that time spoke earnestly and forcibly for Emancipation, as an imperative necessity. And this is noteworthy as the last serious effort by the politicians of any Slave State to rid her of the giant curse, prior to the outbreak of the Slaveholders' Rebellion.

BENJAMIN LUNDY deserves the high honor of ranking as the pioneer of direct and distinctive Anti-Slavery

slaves are counted. If the latter may stand as a peace-offering to the departing power of the old lights, we would let them have it-in a few years, under a liberal Constitution, the free population of middle and western Virginia will be so increased, that the power in the Senate, derived from slaves, will not be injuriously felt. And then will the tacticians, who have kept Virginia back half a century, compared with New York and Pennsylvania, disappear, and give place to practical men-then will roads and canals be made, domestic manufactures encouraged, and a free and virtuous and laborious people give wealth and power and security to the commonwealth-the old families,' as they are called-persons much partaking of the character of the old nobility of France, imbecile and incorrigible-pass away, and a healthful and happy, bold and intelligent middle class rise up to sweeten and invigorate society, by rendering labor honorable; and Richmond will not any longer be ALL Virginia, as a distinguished gentleman used to proclaim, in matters of politics or policy. The moral effects of these things over the slave population of Virginia, and in the adjacent States, are hardly to be calculated. The presence of numerous slaves is incompatible with that of a numerous free population; and it is shown that the labor of the latter, in all the

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in America. Many who lived before and cotemporary with him were Abolitionists: but he was the first of our countrymen who devoted his life and all his powers exclusively to the cause of the slave. Born in Sussex county, New Jersey, January 4, 1789, of Quaker parents, whose ancestors for several generations had lived and died in this country, he injured himself, while still a mere boy, by excessive labor on his father's farm, incurring thereby a partial loss of hearing, from which he never recovered. Slight in frame and below the common hight, unassuming in manner and gentle in spirit, he gave to the cause of Emancipation neither wealth, nor eloquence, nor lofty abilities, for he had them not; but his courage, perseverance, and devotion were unsurpassed; and these combined to render him a formidable, though disregarded if not despised, antagonist to our national crime. Leaving his father's farm at nineteen years of age, he wandered

important operations of agriculture or the arts, except the cultivation of cotton, sugar, tobacco, and rice (as at present carried on), is the cheapest and the best. And in truth, it would not perhaps be straining the facts too far, to express an opinion, that the greatest question before the Virginia convention is, the perpetual duration of negro slavery, or the increase of a generous and free white population."

8 In 1849, when Kentucky revised her State Constitution, Henry Clay formally renewed the appeal in favor of Gradual Emancipation, which he had made, when a very young man, on the occasion of her organization as a State; but the response from the people was feeble and ineffective. Delaware has repeatedly endeavored to rid herself of Slavery by legislation; but partisan Democracy has uniformly opposed and defeated every movement looking to this end. She, though slaveholding, has for sixty years or more been truly, emphatically, a Border State. Slavery has only been kept so long alive within her limits for the benefit, and by the strenuous efforts, of the Democratic party. It is now evidently near its end.

westward to Wheeling, Virginia, where, during the next four years, he learned the trade of a saddler, and gained an insight into the cruelties and villainies of slaveholdingWheeling being at that time a great thoroughfare for negro-traders and their prey on their route from Maryland and Virginia to the lower Mississippi. Before he made Wheeling his home, he had spent some time at Mount Pleasant, Ohio, whither he returned after learning his trade, and remained there two years, during which he married a young woman of like spirit to his own. He then, after a long visit to his father in New Jersey, settled at St. Clairsville, Ohio, near Wheeling, and opened a shop, by which in four years he made about three thousand dollars above his expenses, and, with a loving wife and two children, was as happy and contented with his lot as any man need be.

But the impression made on his mind by his experiences of Slavery in Wheeling could not be shaken off nor resisted. In the year 1815, when twenty-six years of age, he organized an anti-Slavery association known as the "Union Humane Society," whereof the first meeting was held at his own house, and consisted of but five or six persons. Within a few months, its numbers were swelled to four or five hundred, and included the best and most prominent citizens of Belmont and the adjacent counties. Lundy wrote an appeal to philanthropists on the subject of Slavery, which was first printed on the 4th of January, 1816, being his twenty-seventh birthday. Short and simple as it was, it contained the germ of the entire anti-Slavery movement. A

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weekly journal entitled The Philanthropist was soon after started at Mount Pleasant by Charles Osborne; and Lundy, at the editor's invitation, contributed to its columns, mainly by selections. In a few months, he was urged by Osborne to join him in the newspaper enterprise, and finally consented to do so, removing to Mount Pleasant. Meantime, he made a voyage to St. Louis in a flat-boat to dispose of his stock of saddlery. Arriving at that city in the fall of 1819, when the whole region was convulsed by the Missouri Question, he was impelled to write on the side there unpopular in the journals of the day. His speculation proved unfortunate

the whole West, and, indeed, the whole country, being then involved in a commercial convulsion, with trade stagnant and almost every one bankrupt. He returned to his home on foot during the ensuing winter, having been absent nearly two years, and lost all he was worth.

Meantime, Osborne, tired of his thankless and profitless vocation, had sold out his establishment, and it had been removed to Jonesborough, Tennessee, where his newspaper took the title of The Emancipator. Lundy removed, as he had purposed, to Mount Pleasant, and there started, in January, 1821, a monthly entitled The Genius of Universal Emanci pation. He commenced it with six subscribers; himself ignorant of printing and without materials; having his work done at Steubenville, twenty miles distant; traveling thither frequently on foot, and returning with his edition on his back. Four months later, he had a very considerable subscription list. About this time, Elihu Embree, who had started The Eman

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