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evening after the election. So close a Presidential race was and remains without parallel. Mr. Clay had the ardent support of a decided majority of the native-born voters, as well as of those who could read the ballots they cast-of all who had either property or social consideration, and probably of all who had a legal right to vote. But the baleful "Nativism" which had just broken out in the great cities, and had been made the occasion of riot, devastation, and bloodshed in Philadelphia, had alarmed the foreign-born population, and thrown them almost unanimously into the ranks of his adversaries; so that, estimating the vote cast by Adopted or to-be Adopted Citizens at Half a Million, it is nearly certain that four hundred and seventy-five thousand of it was cast for Polk-not with special intent to annex Texas, but in order to defeat and prostrate Nativism. Under other auspices, Mr. Clay's portion of this vote could hardly have been less than a fifth.

The Presidential canvass of 1844 had been not only the most arduous but the most equal of any that the country had ever known, with the possible exception of that of 1800. The election of Madison in 1812, of Jackson in 1828, and of Harrison in 1840, had probably been contested with equal spirit and energy; but the disparity of forces in either case was, to the intelligent, impartial observer, quite obvious. In the contest of 1844, on the contrary, the battle raged with uniform fury from extreme North to furthest SouthMaine and New Hampshire voting strongly for Polk, while Tennessee (his own State) went against him by a small majority, and Louisiana was carried against Clay only by fraud, and by a majority of less than seven hundred in nearly twenty-seven thousand votes. Up to the appearance of Mr. Clay's luckless Alabama letter, he seemed quite likely to carry every great Free State, including New York, Pennsylvania, and Indiana. Not till the election (October 8) of Shunk, the Democratic candidate for Governor of Pennsylvania, by 160,759 votes to 156,562 for his Clay competitor, Markle, did the chances for Polk seem decidedly promising; had Markle received the full vote (161,203) polled, some three weeks later, for Clay himself, the electoral votes of Pennsylvania, New York, Indiana, and Louisiana, would probably have been cast for the latter, giving him 185, and leaving his antagonist but 90. As it was, with Pennsylvania carried for Polk at the State election, the vote of no less than fourteen of the twenty--Annexation in defiance of the sus eight States, choosing 166 of the 275 ceptibilities and convictions of the Electors, was doubtful up to the more conscientious and considerate

The election of Polk secured the immediate Annexation of Texas. That event would probably have taken place at some future day, had Mr. Van Buren or Mr. Clay been chosen, as their avowals fully indicated. But Mr. Polk was the outspoken, unequivocal champion of Annexation forthwith-Annexation in defiance of Mexico-Annexation regardless of her protest and the existing War-Annexation with our unjustifiable claim to the boundary of the Rio Grande ready to convert the danger of war with Mexico into a certainty


half of the population of the Free States as to the evil and peril, the guilt and shame of extending and fortifying Slavery by the power and under the flag of our Union. No matter what the People meant by electing him President-they had voted with their eyes open; and he, while equivocating and dissembling on the Tariff question, had been frank and open on this. Nor had the ruling purpose with which the acquisition of Texas was pursued been disguised by its champions. "It will give a Gibraltar to the South," said Gen. James Hamilton, jr., of S. C., an eminent disciple of Calhoun, who had migrated from South Carolina to Texas, and taken a leading part in her affairs, in furtherance of the project. Such was the drift of Southern inculcation on this subject; and the colonizing, the revolutionizing, and the annexing of the coveted region, were but three acts in the same drama, and all the work of the South.' When a Tennessee slaveholder and unflinching devotee of the Slave Power, well known as an earnest and self-proclaimed Annexationist, had been chosen President, and thus invested with the Executive power and patronage of the Republic for the four years ensuing, the speedy and


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• Witness the following letter:

"COLUMBIA, TENN., June 19, 1844. "DEAR SIR:-I have recently received several letters in reference to my opinions on the subject of the Tariff, and among others yours of the 10th ultimo. My opinions on this subject have been often given to the public. They are to be found in my public acts, and in the public discussions in which I have participated.

"I am in favor of a Tariff for revenue, such a one as will yield a sufficient amount to the Treasury to defray the expenses of Government economically administered. In adjusting the details of a revenue Tariff, I have heretofore sanctioned such moderate discriminating duties, as would produce the amount of revenue needed, and at the same time afford reasonable incidental


complete triumph of the measure was rendered inevitable.

Mr. Tyler was still President, with John C. Calhoun as Secretary of State, and would so remain until the 4th of March. On the first Monday in December, the Twenty-Eighth Congress reassembled, and the President laid before it, among others, a dispatch from Mr. Calhoun, dated August 12, 1844, to Hon. William R. King, our Minister at Paris, instructing him to represent to the French Government the advantages and the necessity of Annexation on many grounds, but especially on that of its tendency to uphold Slavery, primarily in Texas itself, but "ultimately in the United States, and throughout the whole of this continent." Mr. Calhoun assumed that Great Britain was intent on Abolition generally; that she had destroyed her own West India Colonies in a futile attempt "to combine philanthropy with profit and power, as is not unusual with fanaticism ;" and that she was now employing all her diplomacy and influence to drag down, first Texas, then the residue of this continent, to her own degra ded level. Says Mr. Calhoun :

"In order to regain her superiority, she not only seeks to revive and increase her

protection to our home industry. I am opposed to a Tariff for protection merely, and not for rev

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"In my judgment, it is the duty of the Government to extend, as far as it may be practicable to do so, by its revenue laws and all other means within its power, fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, embracing agriculture, manufactures, and the mechanic arts, commerce, and navigation. heartily approve the resolutions upon this subject as passed by the Democratic National Convention, lately assembled at Baltimore.

"I am with great respect, "Dear Sir, your ob't serv't, "JAMES K. POLK. "JOHN K. KANE, Esq., Philadelphia."


own capacity to produce tropical productions, but to diminish and destroy the capacity of those who have so far outstripped her in consequence of her error. In pursuit of the former, she has cast her eyes to her East India possessions-to central and eastern Africa-with the view of establishing colonies there, and even to restore, substantially, the Slave-Trade itself, under the specious name of transporting free laborers from Africa to her West India possessions, in order, if possible, to compete successfully with those who have refused to follow her suicidal policy. But these all afford but uncertain and distant hopes of recovering her lost superiority. Her main reliance is on the other alternative to cripple or destroy the productions of her successful rivals. There is but one way by which it can be done, and that is, by abolishing African Slavery throughout this continent: and that she openly avows to be the constant object of her policy and exertions. It matters not how, or from what motive, it may be done-whether it be done by diplomacy, influence, or force; by secret or open means; and whether the motive be humane or selfish, without regard to manner, means, or motive. The thing itself, should it be accomplished, would put down all rivalry, and give her the undisputed supremacy in supplying her own wants and those of the rest of the world; and thereby more than fully retrieve what she lost by her errors. It would give her the monopoly of tropical productions, which I shall next proceed to show.

"What would be the consequence, if this object of her unceasing solicitude and exertions should be effected by the abolition of Negro Slavery throughout this continent? Some idea may be formed from the immense diminution of productions, as has been shown, which has followed abolition in her West India possessions. But, as great as that has been, it is nothing compared with what would be the effect, if she should succeed in abolishing Slavery in the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and throughout this continent. The experiment in her own colonies was made under the most favorable circumstances. It was brought about gradually and peaceably by the steady and firm operation of the parent country, armed with complete power to prevent or crush at once all insurrectionary movements on the part of the negroes, and able and disposed to maintain, to the full, the political and social ascendency of the former masters over their former slaves. It is not at all wonderful that the change of the relations of master and slave took place, under such circumstances, without violence and bloodshed, and that order and peace should have

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been since preserved. Very different would be the result of Abolition should it be effected by her influence and exertions in the possessions of other countries on this continent and specially in the United States, Cuba, and Brazil, the great cultivators of the principal tropical products of America. To form a correct conception of what would be the result with them, we must look, not to Jamaica, but to St. Domingo, for example. The change would be followed by unforgiving hate between the two races, and end in a bloody and deadly struggle between them for the superiority. One or the other would have to be subjugated, extirpated, or expelled; and desolation would overspread their territories, as in St. Domingo, from which it would take centuries to recover. The end would be, that the superiority in cultivating the great tropical staples would be transferred from them to the British tropical possessions.

"These are of vast extent, and those beyond the Cape of Good Hope, possessed of an unlimited amount of labor, standing ready, by the aid of British capital, to supply the deficit which would be occasioned by destroying the tropical productions of the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and other countries cultivated by Slave labor on this continent, as soon as the increased prices, in consequence, would yield a profit. It is the successful competition of that labor which keeps the prices of the great tropical staples so low as to prevent their cultivation with profit in the possessions of Great Britain, by what she is pleased to call free labor.

"If she can destroy its competition, she would have a monopoly of these productions. She has all the means of furnishing an unlimited supply-vast and fertile possessions in both Indies, boundless command of capital and labor, and ample power to suppress disturbances and preserve order throughout her wide domain.

"It is unquestionable that she regards abolition in Texas as a most important step toward this great object of policy, so much the aim of her solicitude and exertions; and the defeat of the Annexation of Texas to our Union as indispensable to the abolition of Slavery there. She is too sagacious not to see what a fatal blow it would give to Slavery in the United States, and how certainly its abolition with us will abolish it over the whole continent, and thereby give her a monopoly in the production of the great tropical staples, and the command of the commerce, navigation, and manufactures of the world, with an established naval ascendency and political preponderance. To this continent, the blow would be calamitous beyond description. It would destroy, in a great measure, the cultivation and produc



tion of the great tropical staples, amounting | the people of the said territory, and forever annually in value to nearly $300,000,000, the remain unalterable, unless by the consent of fund which stimulates and upholds almost three-fourths of the States of the Union." every other branch of its industry, commerce, navigation, and manufactures. The whole, by their joint influence, are rapidly spreading population, wealth, improvement, and civilization, over the whole continent, and vivifying, by their overflow, the industry of Europe, thereby increasing its population, wealth, and advancement in the arts, in power, and in civilization.

Such must be the result, should Great Britain succeed in accomplishing the constant object of her desire and exertionsthe Abolition of Negro Slavery over this continent and toward the effecting of which she regards the defeat of the Annexation of Texas to our Union as so important."

Such were the grounds on which France was asked to give her sympathy and moral support to the Annexation of Texas to this country.

On the 19th of December, Mr. John B. Weller, of Ohio, by leave, introduced to the House a joint resolve, providing for the Annexation of Texas to the United States; which was sent to the Committee of the whole. Mr. John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, then also a Democrat, proposed (January 10, 1845), an amendment, as follows:

"Provided, That, immediately after the question of boundary between the United States of America and Mexico shall have been definitively settled by the two governments, and before any State formed out of the territory of Texas shall be admitted into the Union, the said territory of Texas shall be divided as follows, to wit: beginning at a point on the Gulf of Mexico midway between the Northern and Southern boundaries thereof on the coast; and thence by a line running in a northwesterly direction to the extreme boundary thereof, so as to divide the same as nearly as possible into two equal parts, and in that portion of the said territory lying south and west of the line to be run as aforesaid, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.

"And provided further, That this provision shall be considered as a compact between the people of the United States and

Mr. Hale's motion that the rules be suspended, to enable him to offer this proposition, was defeated-Yeas 92 (not two-thirds) to Nays 81. Mr. Charles J. Ingersoll, of Pa., reported (Jan. 12), from the Committee on Foreign Affairs a joint resolve in favor of Annexation, which was sent to the Committee of the Whole January 25th, the debate was brought to a close, and the following joint resolution adopted-that portion relating to Slavery having been added in Committee, on motion of Mr. Milton Brown (Whig), of Ten


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Representatives in Congress assembled, That Resolved, by the Senate and House of Congress doth consent that the territory properly included in, and rightfully belonging to, the Republic of Texas, may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of Texas, with a republican form of government, to be adopted by the people of said Republic, by deputies in Convention assembled, with the consent of the existing gov ernment, in order that the same may be admitted as one of the States of this Union.

"2. And be it further resolved, That the foregoing consent of Congress is given on the following conditions, and with the following guarantees, to wit:

"First. Said State to be formed, subject to the adjustment by this Government of all questions of boundary that may arise with other governments; and the Constitution thereof, with the proper evidence of its adoption by the people of said Republic of Texas, shall be transmitted to the President of the United States, to be laid before Congress for its final action, on or before the 1st day of January, 1846.

"Second. Said State, when admitted into the Union, after ceding to the United States all public edifices, fortifications, barracks, ports and harbors, navy and navy yards, docks, magazines, arms, armaments, and all other property and means pertaining to the public defense, belonging to the said Republic of Texas, shall retain all the public funds, debts, taxes, and dues of every kind, which may belong to, or be due or owing said Republic; and shall also retain all the vacant and unappropriated lands, lying within its

limits, to be applied to the payment of the debts and liabilities of said Republic of Texas; and the residue of said lands, after discharging said debts and liabilities, to be disposed of as said State may direct; but in no event are said debts and liabilities to become a charge upon the United States.

"Third. New States, of convenient size, not exceeding four in number, in addition to said State of Texas, and having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled to admission,

under the provisions of the Federal Constitution. And such States as may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes of North latitude, commonly known as the Missouri Compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union with or without Slavery, as the people of each State asking admission may desire; and in such State or States as may be formed out of said territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, Slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crime) shall be prohibited."

The amendment of Mr. Brown was adopted by Yeas 118 to Nays 101the Yeas consisting of 114 Democrats and 4 Southern Whigs (as yet) Milton Brown, of Tennessee; James Dellet, of Alabama; Duncan L. Clinch and Alexander Stephens, of Georgia. The Nays were 78 Whigs and 23 Democrats (from Free States), among them, Hannibal Hamlin, John P. Hale, Preston King, George Rathbun, and Jacob Brinckerhoff since known as Republicans. The joint resolve, as thus amended, passed the House by Yeas 120 to Nays 98the division being substantially as before.

In the Senate, this resolve was taken up for action, February 24th; and, on the 27th, Mr. Foster (Whig), of Tennessee, proposed the following:

"And provided further, That, in fixing the terms and conditions of such admission, it shall be expressly stipulated and declared, that the State of Texas, and such other States as may be formed out of that portion of the present territory lying south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri

Compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union with or without Slavery, as the people of each State, so hereafter asking admission, may desire: And provided furthermore, That it shall be also stipulated and declared that the public debt of Texas shall in no event become a charge upon the Government of the United States.'

This was voted down, as were one or two kindred propositions. Mr. Miller (Whig), of New Jersey, moved to strike out all after the enacting clause, and insert as follows:

"That the President of the United States

be, and he hereby is, authorized and advised to open negotiations with Mexico and Texas, for the adjustment of their boundaries, and the annexation of the latter to the United States, on the following basis, to wit:

"I. The boundary of the annexed terri

try to be in the desert prairie west of the Nueces, and along the highlands and mountain hights which divide the waters of the Mississippi from the waters of the Rio del Norte, and to latitude forty-two degrees north.

"II. The people of Texas, by a legislative act, or by any authentic act which shows the will of the majority, to express their assent

to said annexation.

"III. A State, to be called 'the State of Texas,' with boundaries fixed by herself, and extent not exceeding the largest State of the Union, to be admitted into the Union, by virtue of this act, on an equal footing with the original States.

"IV. The remainder of the annexed terri

tory, to be held and disposed of by the United States, as one of their Territories, to be called the South-west Territory.'

"V. The existence of Slavery to be forever prohibited in the northern and northwestern part of said Territory, west of the

100th degree of longitude west from Greenwich, so as to divide, as equally as may be, the whole of the annexed country between slaveholding and non-slaveholding States.

"VI. The assent of Mexico to be obtained by treaty to such annexation and boundary, or to be dispensed with when the Congress of the United States may deem such assent to be unnecessary.

"VII. Other details of the annexation to be adjusted by treaty, so far as the same may come within the scope of the treatymaking power."

This was rejected by 11 Yeas-all Whigs from Free States-to 33 Nays.

Mr. Walker, of Wisconsin, moved to add to the House proposition an

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