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display of readiness to repel an ima- | pension. His body was conveyed to ginary foe were enacted. The time Harper's Ferry, and delivered to his seemed an hour to the impatient widow, by whom it was borne to her spectators; even the soldiers began far northern home, among the mounto murmur-" Shame!" At last, the tains he so loved, and where he was order was given, the rope cut with a so beloved." hatchet, and the trap fell; but so short a distance that the victim continued to struggle and to suffer for a considerable time. Being at length duly pronounced dead, he was cut down after thirty-eight minutes' sus

There let it rest forever, while the path to it is worn deeper and deeper by the pilgrim feet of the race he so bravely though rashly endeavored to rescue from a hideous and debasing thraldom!



THE Vote polled for Fremont and | sentatives Keitt, of South Carolina, Dayton in 1856 considerably exceeded the solid strength, at that time, of the Republican party. It was swelled in part by the personal popularity of Col. Fremont, whose previous career of adventure and of daring his explorations, discoveries, privations, and perils-appealed, in view of his comparative youth for a Presidential candidate, with resistless fascination, to the noble young men of our country; while his silence and patience throughout the canvass, under a perfect tempest of preposterous yet annoying calumnies, had contributed to widen the circle of his admirers and friends. A most wanton and brutal personal assault' on Senator Sumner, of Massachusetts, by Representative Brooks of South Carolina, abetted by Repre

Cook, Coppoc, Copeland, and Green (a black), were hanged at Charlestown a fortnight after Brown-December 16th; Stevens and Hazlitt were likewise hanged on the 16th of March following. The confederates of Brown, who

and Edmundson, of Virginia, doubtless contributed also to swell the Republican vote of the following Autumn. Mr. Sumner had made an elaborate speech in the Senate on the Kansas question-a speech not without grave faults of conception and of style, but nowise obnoxious to the charge of violating the decencies of debate by unjustifiable personalities. Yet, on the assumption that its author had therein unwarrantably assailed and ridiculed Judge Butler— one of South Carolina's Senators, and a relative of Mr. Brooks-he was assaulted by surprise while sitting in his place (though a few minutes after the Senate had adjourned for the day), knocked to the floor senseless, and beaten, while helpless succeeded in making their escape, were Owen Brown, Barclay Coppoc, Charles P. Tidd, Francis Jackson Merriam, and Osborne P. Anderson, a colored man.

1 May 22, 1856.

and unconscious, till the rage of his | ized, however, but New York; where immediate assailant was thoroughly-owing, in part, to local questions satiated. Mr. Sumner was so much and influences- Fremont's magnifiinjured as to be compelled to aban- cent plurality of 80,000 was changed don his seat and take a voyage to to a Democratic plurality of 18,000. Europe, where, under the best medi- It appeared in this, as in most other cal treatment, his health was slowly Free States, that the decline or dissorestored. The infliction on Brooks, lution of the "American" or Fillby a Washington court, of a paltry more party inured mainly to the fine for this outrage, tended to deep- benefit of the triumphant Democraen and diffuse popular indignation at cy; though Pennsylvania, and possithe North, which the unopposed re- bly Rhode Island, were exceptions. election of Brooks he having re- To swell the resistless tide, Minnesigned, because of a vote of censure sota and Oregon-both in the exfrom a majority of the House-did treme North-each framed a State not tend to allay. Of Fremont's ag- Constitution this year, and took pogregate vote-1,341,812-it is proba- sition in line with the dominant ble that all above 1,200,000 was giv- party-Minnesota by a small, Oreen him on grounds personal to him- gon by an overwhelming, majority self, or from impulses growing out of the Sumner outrage.

Accordingly, the elections of 1857 exhibited a diminution of Republican strength-the eleven States which had voted for Fremont, giving him an aggregate popular majority of over 250,000, now giving but little over 50,000 for the Republican tickets. All the New England States were still carried by the Republicans, but by majorities diminished, in the average, more than half, while that of Connecticut was reduced from 7,715 to 546. So, in Ohio, Gov. Chase was this year reëlected by 1,481, though Fremont had 16,623; while Gov. Lowe, in Iowa, had but 2,151, where Fremont had received 7,784; and Gov. Randall was chosen in Wisconsin by barely 118, where Fremont had received 13,247. No Republican State was actually revolution

2 Of $300.

3 Minnesota chose three Members to the House, on the assumption that her population was sufficient to warrant her in claiming that

the two swelling by four Senators and four' Representatives the already invincible strength of the Democracy.

The Opposition was utterly powerless against this surge; but what they dare hardly undertake, Mr. Buchanan was able to effect. By his utterly indefensible attempt to enforce the Lecompton Constitution upon Kansas, in glaring contradiction to his smooth and voluble professions regarding "Popular Sovereignty," "the will of the majority," etc., etc., he enabled the Republicans, in 1858, to hold, by majorities almost uniformly increased, all the States they had carried the preceding year, and reverse the last year's majority against them in New York; carry Pennsylvania for the first time by over 26,000 majority; triumph even in New Jersey under an equiv

number-or, at least, soon would be. She has since chosen but two, being entitled to no more -in fact, hardly to so many-under the Census of 1860.


ocal organization; bring over Min-
nesota by a close vote; and swell
their majority in Ohio to fully 20,000.
They were beaten in Indiana on the
State ticket by a very slender major-
ity, but carried seven of the eleven
Representatives in Congress, beside
helping elect an
an anti-Lecompton
Democrat in another district; while
Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin, chose
Republican tickets-as of late had
been usual with them-by respect-
able majorities, and the last named
by one increased to nearly 6,000.
California and Oregon still adhered
to Democracy of the most pro-Slavery
type, by decisive majorities.


Union cannot permanently endure half Slave and half Free. Said Mr. Lincoln:

"If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to Slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this Government cannot permanently endure half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved-I do not expect the house to fall-but I do expect that it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of Slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the pub

lic mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new-North as well as South."

This almost prophetic statement, from one born in Kentucky, and who had been known, prior to the appearance of the Dred Scott decision, as a rather conservative Whig, was put forth, more than four months before Gov. Seward, as if under a like premonition of coming events, said:


Illinois was this year the arena of a peculiar contest. Senator Douglas had taken so prominent and so efficient a part in the defeat of the Lecompton abomination, that a number of the leading Republicans of other States were desirous that their Illinois brethren should unite in choosing a Legislature pledged to return him, by a vote substantially unanimous, to the seat he had so ably filled. But it was hardly in human nature that those thus appealed to should, because of one good act, recognize and treat as a friend one whom they had known for nearly twenty years as the "Shall I tell you what this collision ablest, most indefatigable, and by no means? They who think that it is accimeans the most scrupulous, of their dental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeadversaries. They held a sort of ral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irState Convention, therefore, and pre- repressible conflict between opposing and sented ABRAHAM LINCOLN as a Re-United States must and will, sooner or later, enduring forces; and it means that the publican competitor for Mr. Douglas's seat; and he opened the canvass at once, in a terse, forcible, and thoroughly "radical" speech, wherein he enunciated the then startling, if not absolutely novel, doctrine that the


4 At Springfield, Ill., June 17, 1858.

"These antagonistic systems are continually coming into closer contact, and collision


become either entirely a slave-holding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice-fields of South Carolina

and the sugar plantations of Louisiana will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charles

ton and New Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, or else the ryefields and wheat-fields of Massachusetts

5 At Rochester, N. Y., Oct. 25, 1858.

and New York must again be surrendered | State ticket of their own men, adoptby their farmers to slave culture and to the ed the expedient of selecting their production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more markets for trade candidates alternately from the tickets in the bodies and souls of men. It is the of the two great parties—of course, failure to apprehend this great truth that induces so many unsuccessful attempts at powerfully aiding that which must final compromise between the Slave and otherwise have been beaten throughFree States; and it is the existence of out. The 25,000 votes thus cast this great fact that renders all such pretended compromises, when made, vain and elected three of the Democratic canephemeral." didates by majorities of 328 to 1,450; while the Republicans placed on the "American ticket" had majorities ranging from 45,104 to 49,447; and one Republican candidate was chosen over the joint vote of both the adverse parties. In this "balance-of-power" movement of the Americans was foreshadowed the "Fusion" electoral tickets of 1860.

Mr. Lincoln, in his brief Springfield speech, furnished the shortest and sharpest exposition ever yet given of the doctrine vaunted as 'Popular Sovereignty,' viz. :

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"This necessity [for a popular indorsement of the policy embodied in the NebraskaKansas bill had not been overlooked; but had been provided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument of Squatter Sovereignty,' otherwise called 'sacred right of self-government;' which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted, in this attempted use of it, as to amount to just this: That, if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to object."

Mr. Douglas promptly joined issue; and an oral canvass of unequaled interest, considering the smallness of the stake, was prosecuted by these capable and practiced popular debaters, before immense audiences of their fellow-citizens, up to the eve of the State Election. In the event, Mr. Douglas was successful, securing 54 to 46 of the members of the Legislature, and being promptly reëlected by them; but the candidates favorable to Mr. Lincoln had a plurality of the popular vote.

The Elections of 1859 were not especially significant, save that, in New York, what remained of the "American" party, instead of nominating a

For Lincoln, 124,698; for Douglas, 121,130; Lincoln's plurality, 3,568. But over 4,000 Democratic votes were scattered and lost, in obe

The indignant, scornful rhetoric wherewith Mr. Webster had scouted the suggestion, that Slavery might possibly be established in New Mexico, and spurned the idea of " reënacting the laws of God" by prohibiting it there, had scarcely died out of the public ear, when the Legislature of that vast Territory proceeded, at its session in 1859, to do the very thing which he had deemed so inconceivable. Assuming the legal existence of Slavery in that Territory, in accordance with the Dred Scott decision, the Legislature proceeded to pass "An act to provide for the protection of property in slaves," whereby severe penalties were provided stealing," or "enticing away" said property, or "inciting" said property to "discontent" or "insubordination." The spirit of this notable act is fairly exhibited in the following provisions :

for 66

dience to directions from Washington-Mr. Douglas's apprehended return being exceedingly distasteful to President Buchanan.


"SEC. 10. Any person may lawfully take up or apprehend any slave who shall have run away, or be absenting himself from the custody or service of his master or owner, and may lawfully use or employ such force as may be necessary to take up or apprehend such slave; and such person, upon the delivery of such slave to his master or owner, or at such place as his master or owner may designate, shall be entitled to demand or recover by suit any reward which may have been offered for the apprehension or delivery of such slave. And, if no reward have been offered, then such person so apprehending such slave shall, upon the delivery of such slave to his master or owner, or to the sheriff of the county in which such slave was apprehended, be entitled to demand and recover from such owner or master the sum of twenty dollars, besides ten cents for each mile of travel to and from the place where such apprehension was made.

"SEC. 11. If any sheriff of any county within this Territory shall fail or refuse to receive with proper care any runaway slave so offered to him for safe-keeping, by such person apprehending the same, or his agent, such sheriff shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined in a sum not less than five hundred dollars to the use of the Territory, shall further be liable to the owner of such slave for his value, recoverable by civil suit, and shall be ineligible for reelection to the said


"SEC. 20. Any slave who shall conduct himself disorderly in a public place, or shall give insolent language or signs to any free white person, may be arrested and taken by such person before a justice of the peace,

who, upon trial and conviction, in a summary manner, shall cause his constable to give such slave any number of stripes upon his or her bare back, not exceeding thirtynine.

SEC. 21. When any slave shall be convicted of any crime or misdemeanor, for which the penalty assigned by law is, in whole or in part, the fine of a sum of money, the court passing sentence on him may, in its discretion, substitute for such fine corporal punishment, or branding, or stripes.

"SEC. 26. No slave shall be permitted to go from the premises of his owner or master after sunset and before sunrise, without a written pass, specifying the particular place or places to which such slave is permitted to go; and any white person is authorized to take any slave who, upon demand, shall not exhibit such pass, before any justice of the peace, who, upon summary investigation, shall cause such slave to be whipped with not more than thirty-nine stripes upon his or her bare back, and to be


committed to the jail, or custody of a proper officer, to be released the next day, on demand and payment of costs by the owner or master."

Another act passed by the same Legislature, "Amendatory of the law relative to contracts between masters and servants" (peons), has this unique provision, which might have afforded a hint to South Carolina in her worst estate:

"SEO. 4.-No Court of this Territory shall have jurisdiction, nor shall take cognizance, of any cause for the correction that masters may give their servants for neglect of their duties as servants; for they are considered as domestic servants to their masand faults; for, as soldiers are punished by ters, and they should correct their neglect their chiefs, without the intervention of the civil authority, by reason of the salary they enjoy, an equal right should be grantserved in the protection of their property; persons who their money to be Provided, That such correction shall not be inflicted in a cruel manner, with clubs or stripes."

ed those


These acts were directly inspired from Washington, and were enacted under the supervision and tutelage of the Federal officers stationed in the Territory. Some of these were personally slaveholders; others were only anxious to commend themselves to the notice and favor of their superiors; and it was easy for them to persuade the ignorant Mexicans, who mainly composed the Legislature, that such acts would cause the heavenly dews of Federal patronage to fall in boundless profusion on the arid, thirsty hills of their Territory. And, while the number of slaves held in New Mexico might never be great, its salubrity, and the ease wherewith a mere subsistence is maintained there, might well have commended it to favor as a breeding-ground of black chattels for the unhealthy swamps and lowlands of Arkansas and Louisiana. In any case its sub

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