Bert. Say not so; Once more, art thou determined to go forth? Lioni. I am. Nor is there aught which shall impede me! Bert. Then Heaven have mercy on thy soul! Farewell! Lioni. Stay, there is more in this than my own safety, Which makes me call thee back; we must not part thus: Bert. From childhood, sir, You have been my protector: in the days Its cold prerogative, we played together; Our sports, our smiles, our tears, were mingled oft; His son's scarce less than foster-brother; years Ah me! the difference 'twixt those hours and this! As suits your station, the more humble Bertram Still you forsook me not; and if my fortunes Would that thy fellow-Senators were like thee! Lioni. Why, what hast thou to say against the Senate? Lioni. I know that there are angry spirits And turbulent mutterers of stifled treason, I have lost sight of thee, but thou wert wont Bert. Rather shame and sorrow light Li. Some villains have been tampering with thee, Bertram; This is not thy old language, nor own thoughts; Some wretch has made thee drunk with disaffection: But thou must not be lost so; thou wert good And kind, and art not fit for such base acts As vice and villainy would put thee to: Confess, ― confide in me: thou know'st my nature; That I should deem thee dangerous, and keep Bert. Nay, question me no further; minutes fly, And thou art lost! Thou! my sole benefactor, The only being who was constant to me Through every change. Yet, make me not a traitor ! but spare my honor! Let me save thee, Lioni. Where Can lie the honor in a league of murder? And who are traitors save unto the state? Bert. A league is still a compact, and more binding In honest hearts when words must stand for law; And in my mind, there is no traitor like He whose domestic treason plants the poniard Lioni. And who will strike the steel to mine? I could have wound my soul up to all things Save this. Thou must not die! and think how dear Nay, more, the life of lives, the liberty The assassin thou miscall'st me; once, once more, I do adjure thee, pass not o'er thy threshold ! I will disclose ensnare ́O, what a villain I become for thee! Lioni. Say, rather thy friend's savior and the state's! Speak pause not · all rewards, all pledges for Thy safety and thy welfare; wealth such as The state accords her worthiest servant; nay, Nobility itself I guarantee thee, So that thou art sincere and penitent. Bert. I have thought again: it must not be—I love thee— Thou knowest it - that I stand here is the proof, Not least, though last; but having done my duty - By thee, I now must do it by my country! IN HISTORY, MILITARY, TERRITORY, heed remarks, § 29; in durable, DURING, GLORIOUS, VICTORIOUS, heed § 11 and § 28; AMOUNT, COUNT, FOUND, 27; MONTHS, § 19. See in Index, COMBAT, COUNSELING or COUNSELLING, Crimean, EUROPEAN, FRONTIER, HUMOR, OBLIGED, RUSSIA, LABOULAYE. Delivery. The style of this piece being calmly argumentative, should be read with judicial deliberation, in a middle pitch, with pure tone, moderate time and force, and a frequent use of the falling slide. See §§ 48, 49. mildest and hapOn what depends 1. THE United States is a republic. It is the freest government and at the same time the piest that the earth has ever seen. this prosperity of the Americans? It is that they are alone upon an immense territory; they have never been obliged to concen'trate power and weaken liberty in order to resist the ambition and the jealousy of their neighbors. 2. The United States had no large permanent army, no military marine; the immense sums that Europeans spend to keep off or to sustain war, the Americans employed in opening schools and giving to all citizens, poor or well off, that education and instruction which make the moral greatness and true riches of a people. Their foreign policy was contained in a single maxim: "Never to mix in the quarrels of Europe, on the single condition that Europe should not mingle in their affairs and should respect the freedom of the sea." 3. Thanks to these wise principles, which Washing ton had bequeathed to them in his immortal testament, the United States have enjoyed, during eighty years, a peace which has been only once disturbed, in 1812, when they were compelled to resist England, in support of the rights of neutrals. It is by thousands of millions that we must count the sums that during seventy years. we of France have employed in maintaining our liberty or our preponderance in Europe; such millions the United States have employed in social improvements of every kind. Here is the secret of their prodigious success; their isolation has made their prosperity. 4. Suppose now that a separation should be made, and that the new Confederation should embrace all the Slave States; the North would lose in a day its power and its institutions. The republic would be struck to the heart. There would be in America two nations face to face; two people, rivals, and always upon the eve of combat. Peace, in fact, would not destroy enmities; the remembrances of past grandeur, of the destroyed Union, would not be effaced; the victorious South would certainly be no less the friend of slavery, no less a lover of domination. The enemies of slavery, masters of their own policy, would not certainly be quieted by the separation. 5. What would the Southern Confederacy be for the North? A foreign power established in America, with a frontier of fifteen hundred miles, a frontier open on all sides, and consequently always either menacing or menaced. This power, hostile from its very proximity, and more so still by its institutions, would possess one of the most considerable portions of the New World; it would have half of the seashore of the Union, it would command the Gulf of Mexico, an interior sea of a third the size of the Mediterranean; it would be mistress of the mouths of the Mississippi, and could at its humor ruin the populations of the West. 6. "But the river would be made neutral," they tell us. We know what such promises amount to. We have seen that which Russia made with regard to the mouth of the Danube, and it required the Crimean war to restore to Germany the free enjoyment of her great river. If to-morrow a new war should break out between Austria and Russia, we may be sure that the possession of the Danube would be the stake of the contest. It could not be otherwise in America from the day when the Mississippi should flow for a distance of more than a hundred leagues between banks that were enslaved. 7. Thus the remains of the old Union must be always ready to defend themselves against their rivals. Questions of custom-duties, and of frontiers, rivalries, jealousies, all the scourges of old Europe would overwhelm America at once. It would be necessary to establish custom-houses on a space of five hundred leagues to construct and arm forts along this immense frontier, to support permanent and considerable armies, and to maintain a navy :-in other words, the old Constitution must be renounced, municipal independence must be enfeebled, and power concentrated. 8. Farewell to the old and glorious liberty! Farewell to those institutions which made America the com |