TEST AGAINST THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SEPTENNIAL PARLIAMENTS.

Die Sabbati, 14 Aprilis, 1716.

Hodie 2 vice lecta est billa, intituled "An Act for enlarging the e of continuance of Parliaments, appointed by an Act made in e sixth year of the reign of King William and Queen Mary, intiled An Act for the frequent meeting and calling of Parliaments."" The question was put, whether this Bill shall be committed. It was resolved in the affirmative.

1st. Because we conceive that frequent and new Parliaments are quired by the fundamental Constitution of the kingdom; and the ractice thereof for many ages (which manifestly appears by our reɔrds) is a sufficient evidence and proof of this Constitution.

2dly. Because it is agreed, that the House of Commons must be hosen by the people, and when so chosen, they are truly the repreentatives of the people, which they cannot be so properly said to be, vhen continued for a longer time than that for which they were hosen; for after that time, they are chosen by the Parliament, and not the people; who are thereby deprived of the only remedy which hey have against those who either do not understand, or, through corruption, do wilfully betray the trust reposed in them; which remedy is, to choose better men in their places.

3dly. Because the reasons given for this Bill, we conceive, were not sufficient to induce us to pass it, in subversion of so essential a part of our Constitution.

1. For as to the argument, that this will encourage the princes and states of Europe to enter into alliances with us, we have not heard any one minister assert, that any one prince or state has asked, or so much as insinuated, that they wished such an alteration.

Nor is it reasonable to imagine it, for it cannot be expected that any prince or state can rely upon a people to defend their liberties and interests, who shall be thought to have given up so great a part of their own; nor can it be prudent for them to wish such an experiment to be made, after the experience that Europe has had of the

great things this nation has done for them, under the Consti which is now to be altered by this Bill.

But on the other hand, they may be deterred from entering measures with us, when they shall be informed, by the pream this Bill, that the Popish faction is so dangerous, as that it m destructive to the peace and security of the government; and apprehend from this Bill, that the government is so weak as t so extraordinary provision for its safety; which seems to impl the gentlemen of Britain are not to be trusted or relied upe that the good affections of the people are restrained to so small ber as that of which the present House of Commons consists.

2. We conceive this Bill is so far from preventing expenses corruptions, that it will rather increase them; for the longer aff liament is to last, the more valuable to be purchased is a statin it, and the greater also is the danger of corrupting the membe it; for if ever there should be a ministry who shall want a P ment to screen them from the just resentment of the people. a discovery of their ill practices to the King (who cannot othe or so truly, be informed of them, as by a free Parliament). it į much the interest of such a ministry to influence the elections by their authority, and the disposal of the public money, they others, have the best means of doing) that it is to be feared will be tempted, and not fail to make use of them; and even vi the members are chosen, they have greater opportunity of indi very many to comply with them, than they could have, if not the Sessions of Parliament, but the Parliament itself, were rede to the ancient and primitive constitution and practice of freque and new Parliaments; for as a good ministry will neither pres nor need corruption, so it cannot be any Lord's intention to pr for the security of a bad one.

4thly. We conceive, that whatever reasons may induce the Lto pass this Bill, to continue this Parliament for seven years, wa Y at least as strong, and may, by the conduct of the ministry, be much stronger, before the end of seven years, for continuing it longer, and even to perpetuate it; which would be an express absolute subversion of the third estate of the realm.

Poulett,
Stratford,

Northampton,

Fr. Roffen',

Anglesey, Willoughby de Broke, Nottingham, Foley,

Abingdon,

ROTEST AGAINST THE FIRST MUTINY BILL; AND CONCERNING THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A STANDING ARMY IN TIME OF PEACE.

Die Lunce, 25 Martii, 1717.

Hodie 3 vice lecta est billa, intituled "An Act for punishing muiny and desertion, and for the better payment of the army and their quarters."

The question was put, whether this Bill shall pass.

It was resolved in the affirmative.

Dissentient',

Contents, 32.-Not Contents, 9.

1st. Because no particular reason or occasion is so much as suggested in this Bill, for keeping on foot a standing army, consisting of thirty-two thousand men, in this kingdom in time of peace; and, therefore, this Act will be a precedent for keeping the same army at all times, though this kingdom be in peace; which, we think, must inevitably subvert the ancient constitution of this realm, and subject the subjects to arbitrary power.

$ 2dly. Because, by this Bill, the soldiers are exempted from being arrested by process of law, at the suit of any person for recovering a just debt, or upon any action whatsoever; which is a great injustice to the subjects, taking from them the benefit of the law for recovering their just demands, and for obtaining satisfaction for any injury done them by a soldier, either by wounding or maiming, or wrongfully taking away his goods: and, we conceive, this will be so far 1 from preserving good order and discipline in the army, that, on the contrary, it will be a great encouragement to the soldiers to live in their quarters in all manner of licentiousness, and to insult their fellow-subjects both in their persons and estates, when they know, that by this law they are disabled from obtaining any effectual se

faction from them, by the course of justice, for any such visi injury; and the only reason offered to justify this exemption arrests, being to prevent the taking soldiers out of his May service by collusive arrests, we think, the preventing sod ginary mischief can be no reason to discharge the persons of w... from being taken upon any civil process, where the cause of is real; which is a privilege only belonging to a Peer of the r 3dly. Because this Bill doth establish martial law extends ! the life of the offenders, in time of peace, which, we c contrary to the ancient laws of this kingdom; and the ser obliged to obey the military orders of their superior officers ¦ the penalty of being sentenced by a court-martial to suffer desi their disobedience; and that, without any limitation or restra?? whether such orders are agreeable to the laws of the realm er a when, by the fundamental laws thereof, the commands and ord the crown (the supreme authority) are restrained within the o of the law, and no person is obliged to obey any such order s mand, if it be illegal; and is punishable by law, if he does, note standing any such order or command, though from the King.

Trevor,

Abingdon,

Berkeley of Stratton, Bathurst,

Northampton
Dartmouth.

PROTEST AGAINST RELIEVING QUAKERS FROM TAKING OATHS 3

COURTS OF JUSTICE.

Die Veneris, 19 Januarii, 1721.

Hodie 3 vice lecta est billa, intituled "An Act for granting the ple, called Quakers, such forms of affirmation, or declaration, a remove the difficulties which many of them lie under."

The question was put, whether this Bill shall pass.
It was resolved in the affirmative.

Dissentient',

1st. Because the privileges allowed by this Bill to the Quake are without example, and no ways proportioned to the steps for erly taken towards a gradual indulgence of them; for, whereas the have been hitherto under the real obligation of an oath, though d pensed with as to some formalities, with respect to the manner wording and taking it, they are now altogether released both from the form and substance of an oath, and admitted to profess fidelity

ive testimony upon their simple affirmation; nor are these privileges indulged to them, as the less were, from time to and by degrees, but are at once made perpetual.

Because we y. look upon the Quakers, who reject the two saents of Christ, and are, as far as they do so, unworthy of the of Christians, to be on that account unworthy also of receiving distinguishing marks of favour.

lly. Because the Quakers, as they renounce the institutions of st, so have not given even the evidence by law required of their f of his divinity, it no ways appearing to us (nor do we believe an be made appear) that ever since they were first indulged W. and M.), one Quaker in a hundred hath subscribed the proion of Christian belief directed by that Act; nor could we, upon otion made in the House, prevail, that they should even now be iged, by such previous subscription, to entitle themselves to the w and extraordinary favours designed them; the consequence of ich must, in our opinion, be, that they will encourage themselves yet ther in their aversion to subscribe that profession of Christian beof which they seem more to decline than even the taking of an oath, nce great numbers of them have sworn, though very few have subribed that profession; nor are we without apprehensions, that it ay reflect some dishonour on the Christian faith, if the evidence iven by such persons, on their bare word, shall, by law, be judged f equal credit with the solemn oath of an acknowledged Christian nd sincere member of the established communion.

4thly. Because we look upon it as highly unreasonable, that in a kingdom where the nobles, the clergy, and commons are obliged to swear fealty to the crown, and even the sovereign himself takes an oath at his coronation, a particular sect of men, who refuse to serve the state either as civil officers or soldiers, should be entirely released from that obligation; since it is natural to expect that persons thus indulged, as to the manner and the measure of performing their allegiance, should, by degrees, be induced totally to withdraw it, till they become as bad subjects, as Christians.

5thly. Because, though such extraordinary privileges are allowed to the sect of Quakers by this Bill, yet there is no mark or test prescribed by it, or by any other Act, by which it may certainly be known who are Quakers, and consequently who are or are not entitled to those privileges; from whence this inconvenience may arise