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that many not really Quakers may yet shelter themselves unde cover of that name, on purpose to be released from the oblig oaths; it not being, we conceive, in the power of the magistra this Bill stands, to oblige any person to take an oath who at the of tendering it shall profess himself a Quaker; so that the c sions now made to that sect may prove a great inlet to hypocri falsehood, and will naturally tend towards increasing their which we rather wish may be every day diminished.

6thly. Because we do not apprehend that the Quakers, is 1 e are really under such scruples in point of an oath, that it is sary to ease them by such an Act; few of them having for fives twenty years past, since their solemn affirmation (equivalent *oath) was enacted, ever refused to comply with it; and shot have now and then happened, yet when the great body of any ot of sectaries are at ease in their consciences, the scruples of a few think, ought not to be regarded; especially if continuing the la: in force will probably extinguish those scruples: and the repea will certainly give new life and strength to them.

7thly. Because the security of the subject's property, whic pends upon testimony, seems to us to be lessened by this Act, reverence of an oath having been always observed to operate fartowards the discovery of truth than any other less solemn fr asseveration; nor can the Quakers be excepted in this case, vis awful apprehensions of an oath appear from their earnest endere to decline it; and, therefore, where the payment of tithes, by held to be sinful, is concerned, they will have strong inducemen disguise the truth, in what they simply affirm, rather than their consciences and credit, by contributing towards the st of such antichristian payment: in other cases of property. interest only will clash with their veracity; but the double of interest and conscience will influence them with respect clergy, whose calling and maintenance they equally condemn.

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8thly. Because the inducement mentioned in the Bill to granting the Quakers those favours, that they are well-affected the government (a position of which we have some doubt) might apprehend, be improved into a reason for granting the like fa to Deists, Arians, Jews, and even to heathens themselves; a which may possibly be, as some of them certainly are, friends to government: however, their friendship, we presume, would be

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ated at too great an expense, if for the sake of it, any thing should done by the legislature which might weaken the security of all vernments, an oath; and by that means do more mischief to the .te in one respect than it brought advantage in another and we e rather thus choose to reason, because an argument was urged in e debate, and no ways disallowed, that if heathens themselves ere equally of use to the state, as the Quakers are, they ought also, ually by law, to be indulged; whereas our firm persuasion is, that no man should be persecuted for his opinions, so neither should y man who is known to avow principles destructive of Christianity, ›wever useful he may otherwise be to the state, be encouraged by a w made purposely in his favour, to continue in those principles. St. John de Bletsoe,

W. Ebor',

Montjoy,

Fra. Roffen', Strafford,

Compton, Trevor,

Gower,
Salisbury,
Aberdeen,

Fran. Cestriens'.

ROTEST AGAINST

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PEST-HOUSES; AND AGAINST DRAWING LINES AROUND CITIES AND TOWNS IN CASE

OF PLAGUE.

Die Mercurii, 13 Decembris, 1721.

The House being moved to give leave, that a Bill be brought in for repeal of so much of the Act, passed last session, 'for preventng the plague being brought from foreign parts,' as gives a power to emove to a lazaret, or pest-house, any persons whatsoever infected vith the plague, or healthy persons out of an infected family, from heir habitations (though distant from any other dwelling-house), and also so much of the said Act as gives power for the drawing lines or trenches round any city, town, or place, so infected ;"—

After debate, the question was put thereupon,

And it was resolved in the negative.

Dissentient',

Contents, 20.-Not Contents, 39.

1st. Because the powers specified in the question seem to us such as can never wisely or usefully be put in execution; for, by the first of them, persons of what rank or condition whatsoever, either actually infected, or being in the same habitation, though in lone houses where they are well accommodated, and from whence there is no danger of propagating the infection, may be forcibly removed into com

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mon lazarets, or pest-houses; and it does not appear to us that a power could, at any time, be reasonably executed; and, there we conceive, it should be repealed.

The other power extends to the drawing of lines around any town, or place, and consequently around the cities of London: Westminster; the very apprehension of which, upon the leat mour of a plague, would disperse the rich, and by that meats well as by hindering the free access of provisions) starve the p ruin trade, and destroy all the remains of public and private cr

2dly. Because such powers as these are utterly unknown to constitution, and repugnant, we conceive, to the lenity of our and free government, a tender regard to which was shown b Act of James I. which took care only to confine infected pes within their own houses and to support them under their ment, and lodged the execution of such powers solely in the magistrate; whereas the powers by us excepted against, as the of a more extraordinary kind, so they will probably (and s them must necessarily) be executed by military force; and the lent and inhuman methods which, on these occasions, may, as conceive, be practised, will, we fear, rather draw down the inf of a new judgment from heaven, than contribute any ways to re that which shall then have befallen us.

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3dly. Because, we take it, these methods were copied from Fri a kingdom, whose pattern in such cases, Great Britain shoul follow, the government there being conducted by arbitrary p and supported by standing armies; and to such a country such thods do, in our opinion, seem most suitable; and yet, even in kingdom, the powers thus exercised have of late been as unste ful as they were unprecedented; so that no neighbouring any encouragement from thence to follow so fatal an exampleIn the first plague with which we were visited, anno dom. 15% though none of these methods were made use of, much less auth ised by Parliament, yet the infection, however great, was kept fr spreading itself into the remoter parts of the kingdom; nor did city of London, where it first appeared and chiefly raged, suffe: · long or so much, in proportion to the number of its inhabitants, other cities and towns in France have suffered, where these experiments have been tried.

4thly. Because had such part of the Act as, we think,

should.

pealed, been accordingly repealed, there would still have remained it a general clause which gives the crown all powers necessary to event the spreading of infection, and consequently these very wers, among the rest, if they shall be found necessary; and therere there is no need, we conceive, to have them expressly granted the same Act of Parliament, which seems not only to warrant, it in a particular manner to prescribe and direct the use of them. 5thly. Because the great argument urged for continuing these wers specified in the question, that they would probably never be it in execution in the cases objected to, seems to us a clear reason hy they should not be continued; for we cannot imagine why they ould stand enacted, unless they are intended to be executed, or of hat use it will be to the public to keep the minds of the people erpetually alarmed with those apprehensions under which they now bour, as appears by the petition from the city of London, lately rected: it may be an instance of our great confidence in his Majesty's isdom and goodness, when we trust him with such powers, unnown to the constitution; but we think it ill becomes us to repose uch trust, when it tends, in our opinion, rather to render him terCible than amiable to his subjects, and when the only advantage, he an, as we conceive, draw from the trust reposed in him, is, not to hake use of it.

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Hodie 3 vice lecta est billa, intituled, "An Act for more effectually disarming the Highlanders, in that part of Great Britain called Scotland, and for the better securing the peace and quiet of that part of the kingdom."

The question was put, whether this Bill; with the amendments, shall pass.

It was resolved in the affirmative.

Dissentient',

1st. Because the Bill sets forth, that many persons in the E. lands commit many robberies and depredations, and oppose the execution of justice against robbers, outlaws, and persons attit which assertion we conceive was meant as an inducement to the Bill, and therefore should have been fully made out by pre have been undeniably clear from its notoriety; but no pro attempted to be made of it, and we have not heard that sad rages, as are charged upon the Highlanders, have been con by them of late.

2dly. We apprehend that this Bill gives to Lords Lieutena counties, Justices of the Peace, and others, such large and > cretionary powers in some cases, as are hardly to be trust. the hands of any persons in a free government, unless appar necessary to the preservation of it.

3dly. Since the behaviour of the Highlanders has been pea and inoffensive for some years past, and is so at present, as ir appears to us, we cannot but fear this Bill may prove unseasona may hazard the loss of that invaluable blessing which we now et a perfect calm and tranquillity; and raise amongst these people" spirit of discontent and uneasiness which now seems entirely l for, we apprehend that the execution of some authorities in this is more likely to create than to prevent disorders; we think its plies severe remedies where, as far as we can perceive, there sdisease, and this at a time when the Highlanders not being aces of any enormities for which, in our opinion, the legislature oug justice to punish them, or in prudence to fear them, we this would become us as good patriots to endeavour rather to keep the quiet than to make them so.

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Die Veneris, 9 Decembris, 1743.

The House was moved, that an humble address be presented his Majesty," That his Majesty will most graciously be pleased: give orders, that the sixteen thousand Hanoverians, now in the pay:

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