6

they would do if they had conversed with a stranger of ' another nation."

Is it any wonder, that the evangelists had no particular occasion to mention this private set of men in writing the life of our Saviour? John xviii. 19, 20, "The high priest then asked Jesus, of his disciples and of his doctrine. Jesus answered him; I spake openly to the world, I ever taught in the synagogue, and the temple, whither the Jews always resort and in secret have I said nothing." This is one of the glories of our Saviour's character, as it is our very great happiness, that what he said and did was public. These men would not come to him; and it would have been a disparagement for him to have gone to them. It is, I think, a just observation of Dr. Prideaux,' that almost all that is peculiar in this sect, is condemned by Christ and his 'apostles.'" And that is sufficient for us.

6

Sir John Marsham has strongly represented the obscurity of this sect in a passage, which I shall place in the margin.

VI. We may not improperly subjoin the Samaritans to the Jewish sects.

In the discourse that passed between our Saviour and the woman of Samaria, she tells him, "our fathers worshipped in this mountain," John iv. 20. And Josephus says, that 'mount Gerizim (the same the woman here speaks of) is 'by them esteemed the most sacred of all mountains.'"

The Jews and Samaritans appear to have had a very great aversion and contempt for each other. John iv. 5-9, "Then cometh he to a city of Samaria. Now Jacob's well was there. There cometh a woman to draw water. Jesus saith unto her, Give me to drink. For his disciples were gone away unto the city to buy meat. Then saith the woman of Samaria unto him, How is it, that thou, being a

t Διηρηνται δε, κατα χρονον ασκήσεως, εις μοιρας τεσσαρας και τοσέτον οι μεταγενέτεροι των προγενέστερων ελλαττονται, ώτε ει ψαύσειαν αυτων, εκείνες απολύεσθαι καθαπερ αλλοφύλῳ συμφύρεντας. Ibid p. 1063. ν. 32-34. "Connect. Part ii. Book v. p. 364. * Esseni autem παρωνυμοι ὁσιότητος, a sanctitate nominati, κωμωδον οικεσι, τας πόλεις εκτρεπόμενοι, vicatim habitant, urbes fugiunt. Philo, Probus liber, p. 876. C. D. Gens sola, sine ulla fœminâ, sine pecuniâ, socia palmarum. Plin. l. v. c. 17. a populorum frequentiâ separata; adeo ut non mirum sit, tantum esse de iis silentium in Evangeliis, cum essent illi Hierosolymis peregrini et ignoti. Neque rabbinorum quispiam eorum Hebraice meminit, ante Zacuthium, scriptorem nuperum. [A. D. 1500.] Marsh. Can. Chr. Sæc. ix. p. 157, 158. Franeq. 1696. * Κελεύων επι το Γαρίζειν όρος αυτῳ συνελθεῖν, ὁ αγνότατον te avtoig opwv væεληтαι. Antiq. lib. xviii. cap. 5. sect. 1.

Jew, askest drink of me which am a woman of Samaria? for the Jews have no dealings with the Samaritans.

It seems that the Jews were wont to take up provisions at their own cost of the Samaritans, as they passed through their country; and therefore the disciples made no scruple to go into the city to buy what they wanted. And it is likely, that as Judea and Samaria were now both under one and the same government, namely that of the Romans, there was so good order preserved, that necessary accommodations should not be ordinarily refused any travellers, upon their paying the full value of them. But these people scorned to ask or receive a favour of each other, even so small a kindness as a draught of water. Our Lord did not think himself bound by the rules they followed, as he was not moved by the passions with which they were possessed. But this woman was not a little surprised, that He, being a Jew, should ask drink of her that was a Samaritan.

They all knew how they stood affected to each other. The enmity betwixt them must have been the greatest that can be conceived. Doubtless those Jews gave our Saviour the most opprobrious language, which the most furious resentment could suggest, when "they said unto him, Say we not well, that thou art a Samaritan, and hast a devil?" John viii. 48.

It is certain, the animosity between these people had ever been very great, and new affronts and injuries had increased it about this time. Josephus has related a particular provocation, which the Samaritans gave the Jews, A. D. 8, or 9.

When Coponius governed in Judea, an affair happened 'that deserves to be mentioned. At the feast of unleavened 'bread, which we call the passover, it was the custom of the 'priests to set open the gates of the temple at midnight. Soon after they had been opened, some Samaritans, who 'had come privately into Jerusalem, entered in and threw 'dead men's bones in the porticoes; for which reason the priests ever after guarded the temple more strictly.'

The conversation which our Lord had with the woman of

* Cuthæi Cæsarienses interrogaverunt R. Ahhuc. Patres vestri usi sunt patribus nostris: vos igitur quare non utimini nobis? Dixit ipsis, Patres vestri non corruperunt opera sua: vos corrupistis opera vestra. Talm. Hieros. apud Buxtorf, Lex. Thalm. p. 1370. * Κωπωνια δε την Ιεδαίαν διεποντος, —ταδε πρασσεται, των αζύμων της εορτης αγομενης, ήν Πασχα καλεμεν, εκ μεσης νυκτος εν έθει τοις ιερευσιν ην ανοιγνύναι το ιερό της πυλωνας και τοτε εν επει το πρωτον γίνεται ἡ ανοιξις αυτων, ανδρες Σαμαρειται, κρυφα εις Ιεροσολυμα ελθοντες, διαρρίψιν ανθρώπειων οτεων εν ταις τοαις ποιένται. Antiq. lib. xviii. cap. 2. sect. 2.

Samaria, happened as he was going from Jerusalem to Galilee. "He left Judea, and departed again into Galilee. And he must needs go through Samaria," John iv. 3, 4. And St. Luke has given us an account of an affront our Saviour met with in that country at another time, when he was passing through it to one of the feasts at Jerusalem. This may incline us to suppose, that as this was the shortest way, so it was usual for the Jews of Galilee to go this way up to their feasts. Josephus has assured us it was So. The story in which this is mentioned being remarkable, I shall set it down at length. The fact happened about the year of our Lord 52.2

'Moreover a difference arose between the Samaritans and 'the Jews upon this occasion. It was the custom of the 'Galileans, who went up to the holy city at the feasts, to ' travel through the country of Samaria. As they were in their journey, some of the village called Ginaa, which lies in the borders of Samaria and the great plain, falling upon them, killed a great many of them. When the chief men of Galilee heard what had been done, they went to Cumanus, (he was then procurator,) and desired that he 'would revenge the death of those men that had been kill'ed. But he having been bribed by the Samaritans, paid 'no regard to them.a

This passage gives light to what is said, Luke ix. 51. "And it came to pass, when the time was come that he should be received up, he stedfastly set his face to go up to Jerusalem. And sent messengers before his face, and they went, and entered into a village of the Samaritans, to make ready for him. And they did not receive him, because his face was as though he would go up to Jerusalem." It was upon this people, that some of our Saviour's disciples were for commanding fire to "come down from heaven to consume them." Our blessed Lord rebuked his disciples: but it is evident, both from the evangelists and Josephus, that however this people might treat other travellers, or even Jews at other times, they were very apt to violate the common laws of civility and hospitality toward those that were going to worship God at Jerusalem, or that had been there upon that account.

2 Vid. Cleric. Hist. Eccl. de Bell. lib. ii. cap. 12. sect. 3.

■ Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 5. sect. 1. Vid. et

CHAP. V.

OF THE JEWS' AND SAMARITANS' EXPECTATIONS, AND THEIR IDEA OF THE MESSIAH.

I. The Jews had expectations of the Messiah, as a temporal deliverer. II. Of the Jews requiring a sign. III. The Samaritans expected the Messiah. IV. The Jews and Samaritans supposed the Messiah to be a prophet as well as a king. V. Some reflections.

I. TWO things are plainly intimated by the evangelists; that the Jewish nation had, about the time of our Saviour, very general expectations of the coming of the Messiah; and that the idea they formed of him, was that of a powerful and victorious temporal prince.

First, It is intimated, that they had very general expectations of the Messiah. "The Jews sent priests and Levites from Jerusalem, to ask him, (John the Baptist,) who art thou? and he confessed and denied not but confessed, I am not the Christ. And they asked him, what then?-and they which were sent were of the pharisees, John i. 19—24. And as the people were in expectation, and all men mused in their hearts of John, whether he were the Christ or not," Luke iii. 15. See ch. ii. 25, 26, John iv. 25.

Secondly, It is intimated, that the idea the Jews then had of the Messiah, was that of a powerful temporal prince. The disciples of Christ had these apprehensions; therefore there "arose a reasoning among them, which of them should be greatest," Luke ix. 46. This notion was the ground of that petition presented to our Saviour by the mother of Zebedee's children: "Grant that these my two sons may sit, the one on the right hand, and the other on the left in thy kingdom," Matt. xx. 21.

The common people, whenever they had formed a great idea of Jesus, from what he said or performed, continually betrayed expectations of his assuming some external marks of royalty, and very forwardly offer him their service, John vi. 14, 15. This was the intention of those acclamations they made, and of that solemn state, with which they attended him at last into Jerusalem; the circumstances of which are related by all the four evangelists: Matt. xxi. 8,

9," And a very great multitude spread their garments in the way; others cut down branches from the trees, and strewed them in the way; and the multitude that went before, and that followed, cried, saying, Hosanna to the Son of David." John xii. 13, "Blessed is the King that cometh in the name of the Lord." The acclamations, and the ceremonies they used, sufficiently declare their meaning. When Jehu had been anointed king, 2 Kings ix. 13, they that were with him "hasted, and took every man his garment and put it under him, and blew the trumpet saying, Jehu is king."

These were their expectations, this the notion they had of the Messiah; as is evident from the many impostors which arose about this time in Judea; all which, according to Josephus, gained many followers. But as several passages concerning them will appear in other parts of this work, and one or two by and by in this chapter, I shall take no farther notice of them in this place. There are passages of divers ancient writers, in which these things are expressly asserted. Most of them have been already offered to the world in our own language; but nevertheless they cannot be omitted here.

One is in Josephus. But that which principally encouraged them to the war, was an ambiguous oracle, found likewise in the sacred writings, that about that time, some one from their country should obtain the empire of the 'world. This they understood to belong to themselves." • And many of the wise men were mistaken in their judgment of it. For the oracle intended Vespasian's govern'ment, who was proclaimed emperor in Judea.'d

There are two heathen historians, who have mentioned this same thing. Suetonius in his life of Vespasian says, There had been for a long time, all over the cast, a notion firmly believed, that it was in the fates, [in the decrees or books of the fates,] that at that time, some which came out ' of Judea, should obtain the empire of the world. By the ' event it appeared, that prediction related to the Roman Joseph. Antiq. lib. ix. cap. 6. sect. 2. b See the Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield's Defence of Christianity, chap. i. particularly p. 29, first edit. For this they had received (by tradition) that it was spoke of one of their nation. Bishop of Cov. Defence, p. 26.

4 Το δε επαραν αυτές μάλισα προς τον πολεμον, ην χρησμος αμφιβολος ὁμοιως εν τοις ιεροις ευρημένος γραμμασιν, ὡς κατα τον καιρον εκείνον από της χώρας τις αυτών αρξει της οικεμένης τετο οι μεν ὡς οικειον εξελαβον, και πολλοι των σοφων επλανήθησαν περι την κρισιν εδηλε δ' αρα περί την Ουεσπασιανε το λογιον ἡγεμονιαν, αποδειχθεντος επι Ιεδαίας αυτοκράτορος. Jos. de Bell. lib. vi. cap. 5. sect. 4.