World had not, in his opinion, produced a fecond character quite worthy of the honour, though, in beftowing it on my LORD of LANDAFF, the Reverend Gentleman, apparently fenfible that fome of the "worthy compeers" of Washington might think themselves flighted, takes an opportunity of paying them all a very handfome compliment. While the teachers of the nation openly promulgate opinions like thefe, it is both foolish and unjust to complain of the progrefs of difloyalty. If DOCTOR HOMER were defircus to find a native of the New World worthy of the "mark of refpect" which he had to bestow, one would have thought that BISHOP INGLIS, COUNT RUMFORD, GENERAL DE LANCY, JUDGE LUDLOW, or fome other out of the long lift of brave and learned men, who abandoned their property and ventured their lives for their King, might have been preferred to a man, who, however his deeds may now be varnished over, will ever stand as a traitor on the records of England.

The praifes of the American Government form a never-ending fubject for almost every political publication that iffues from the British prefs. When the daring rebel PAINE infulted the nation with his eulogiums on the governments of France and America, and held forth his triumphant comparison between them and the Government of England, as far as related to that of France, he met with contradiction and expofure; but, as to that of America, which furnished much the most dangerous example, his faliehoods were fuffered to pafs as incontrovertible facts: even he, who was emphatically ftyled the father of lies, was prefumed to speak truth, when he spoke in favour of America. When his Rights of Man appeared in the United States, even the Whigs themselves blufhed at his impudence; yet did the cowardly prefs of Great Britain, influenced partly by the fordid spirit of commerce, and partly by

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the

the republican principles of its conductors, filently

acquiefce in the correctnefs of his ftatements.

"

To England, the confequences of this, fyftem of deception have been fuch as might have been expected. The people, as far as the nefarious influence of the prefs, and the ftill more nefarious influence of the fectarian pulpit, have reached, are firongly tinctured with republicanifm. They have loft much of the refpect which they formerly entertained for the Royal authority, and much of the abhorrence which they ought always to have preserved of rebellion against it. And where is the wonder? When the people fee fuch men as the EARL of BUCHAN and the MARQUIS of LANSDOWNE fend acrofs the Atlantic for the portrait of a notorious rebel, and exhibit it as the most precious piece in their cabinets; when the people hear a Reverend Doctor of the Church defcribe that rebel as the greatest and most virtuous character that the New World has ever produced; when they hear SIR JOHN SINCLAIR, with audacity unparalleled, call upon them not only to admire this rebel, but to contribute towards a fund for the raifing of a monument to his memory, even in the dominions of their Sovereign, against whom he had rebelled; when they hear and fee these things, who can blame them for thinking lightly of rebellion? Who can blame them for rebelling themselves? And if it be true, that the most perfect Government, admininiftered by men the moft wife and moft virtuous, and producing the greateft poffible degree of profperity and happiness, has refulted from a rebellion, and a rebellion too against GEORGE THE THIRD, what is the natural, the obvious, the inevitable conclufion?

This question I put to a gentleman in England, to whom I wrote in the year 1798. I pointed out to him the neceffity, not only of contradicting the captivating falfehoods, which were propagated with re

c 3

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fpect to America, but of appealing to the experience of that country for evidences against republican government, afferting, what I now repeat upon more perfect conviction, that the difaffection in the British dominions, particularly in Ireland, was chiefly to be afcribed to the deception with refpect to America, and that it was in vain to hope for a radical cure, till that deception was removed. I added, that I was aware of the arduoufnefs of the undertaking; but that, if it pleafed God to fpare my life, I was refolved to attempt it.

This refolution I have now fulfilled. During a refidence in the United States of eight years, I wrote much upon the paffing events, and diligently collected whatever appeared to me calculated to exhibit the country, the government, and the people, in their true colours. Thefe writings and felections I now fubmit to the world.

The arrangement which I have adopted, appeared to be the only one of which the materials would admit. I have begun with the pamphlets, and placed them according to their dates, down to the time. when Porcupine's Gazette began. But as thefe pamphlets, in general, are confined each to a fingle subject, the work, fo far, would have given but a very imperfect idea of the politics of the whole time. during which it was written. To supply this defect, I have inferted between each pamphlet, fuch matter as forms an hiftorical sketch of the intermediate space, making the conclufion of each sketch a fort of introduction to the fucceeding pamphlet. These additions not only render the chain of events entire, but also ferve as a key to the pamphlets themfelves, many parts of which, without fome fuch aid, muft appear unintelligible to those who are not thoroughly acquainted with all the characters introduced, and who have not a perfect recollection of all the circumftances amidst which each pamphlet was first brought

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forward to the public. When I arrive at the epoch at which the Gazette commenced, I begin to make felections therefrom; rectifying, as I proceed, the errors which were committed through hafte or want of correct information.

In general I have followed the chronological order; but fuch articles as I found divided, I have brought under one head; and whatever I thought neceffary to preserve of the proceedings of Congress, I have placed together under the date of the close of each feffion refpectively.

In order to render the work as complete and fatiffactory as poffible, I have prefixed to the firft volume a Summary View of the Politics of the United States, from the end of the American war, to the time when I began to write. This retrofpect will enable the reader to trace back to their efficient causes, that abfurd and unnatural partiality for France, that enthufiasm in her unjuft and impious cause, and all those novel, wild, and dangerous notions, to eradicate which, I fo long, and, notwithstanding appearances, fo fuccefsfully laboured. To the clofe of the work alfo, I have made confiderable additions. My last American publication came down no later than April, 1800; but I have now added felections and remarks to complete the feries up to March, 1801.

So large and fo miscellaneous a work certainly requires all the aid that mere editorship can afford. Each volume bears the date of the month and the year in the running title at the top of the page. Befides this, every volume has a table of its contents; the first volume contains a general table, and the laft volume a general and copious Index.

After all, however, it must be confeffed, that I prefent to the world neither a history, nor a magazine, nor a journal; but fomething partaking of the nature of them all; a mass of matter, left to be separated and digefted in the mind of the reader. It

will, indeed, require a reasonable ftock of patience to go through the twelve volumes; but if any one. fhould happen to have perfeverance enough to fucceed in the undertaking, I venture to affert, that he will derive therefrom more information refpecting the customs, the manners, the morals, the religion, and the politics of America, than from all the hiftories and travels that have ever yet been published. There is no branch of republican government, whether legislative or executive, civil or military; no right or privilege of the poor fovereign people; no bauble with which he is amufed, no democratic trick by which he is deceived; in fhort, there are none of thofe means by which liberty contrives to rob a people of their freedom, which are not fully explained and expofed in the facts that I have recorded. I have given a delineation, or rather have furnished the materials wherewith the reader will be able to delineate, upwards of one thousand public characters, and not a fmall number of private ones. In recording these facts, I have not, indeed, been under the mollifying influ ence of modern candour; but I have, in no one inftance, knowingly and seriously, given falfehood for truth; and, though the reader will fometimes find me fevere, frequently very rough, and more frequently very dull, he will never find me irreligious, factious, or fervile.

The republicans, and the blind and obftinate advocates for American liberty, will fay that I am partial and vindictive; but, I proteft with the folemnity and fincerity due to an oath, that I have not fet down "aught in malice ;" and that I harbour not the leaft refentment towards America or her inhabitants in general. I wish them all poffible profperity and happinefs; but I also wish to convince the world, that their profperity and happiness have not been augmentedby a rebellion, though a fuccefsful one, against the mildeft, the most juft, and moft virtuous of Sovereigns.