ford Castlereagh: a suspicion rested on his political principles from his conduct in Ireland, in bringing about the union with Britain; and it was supposed that his love of political freedom, and his attachment to purity of political principle, had not been strengthened by his having been so long and so intimately connected with the potentates of the continent of Europe during the latter period of the war. Lord Castlereagh, however, is uniform and consistent. This can hardly be said of Mr. Canning-his abuse of, and expressed contempt for the earl of Liverpool, and especially for lord Sidmouth, and his quarrel with lord Castlereagh, have not served to make him popular, or to create confidence in him. He is undoubt edly a dexterous, and at times a splendid advocate for ministers in parliament; but his speeches do not impress on the minds of those who hear or read them, a conviction that they come entirely either from the feelings or principles,-they are more like the declamations of a sophist, or the set harangues of a

counsel.

During the year 1817, lord Sidmouth lost a considerable portion of his popularity, by the passing of the act for the suspension of the habeas corpus, and by the measures subsequent thereto. These topics will be afterwards considered; at present we are touching upon them, solely with reference to their effects and consequences on the state of the ministerial party. As lord Sidmouth was secretary of state for the home department, he was supposed to be more concerned in the suspension and in the subsequent measures, than any of his colleagues; and consequently bore a greater share of the odium among

those who disapproved of the suspension and subsequent measures, than they did. Mr. Vansittart, on the other hand, rather rose in the estimation of the public, at least in the estimation of those who were interested in, or judges of his financial measures; while, not particu larly taking a part in the debates regarding the suspension of the habeas corpus act, his popularity did not suffer on that account to a greater degree, than the popularity of the ministers, as a body, did. His financial measures have been already detailed; their real soundness, and ultimate and lasting consequences, will probably appear at no distant period. But that he should be able to go on, without a loan, even when the revenue fell much short of the expenditure,

that he should be able to raise such large sums on exchequer bills, at a low interest, to preserve the sinking fund untouched, and above all, to go on without additional taxes, while at the same time the funds advanced above 84-were circumstances sure to gain him Credit and increase confidence in him as a financier.

With respect to the party of opposition, they dwindled very much during the year 1817: the principles of lord Grenville and his friends were never so thoroughly in unison with those of the friends of Mr. Fox, as to lead to the anticipation of a cordial and lasting coincidence of public conduct; and the question respecting the suspension of the habeas corpus seems to have divided them entirely, and also to have made a difference among the other members of the opposition.

It must be in the recollection of most of our readers, that the popularity of Mr. Fox, as well as the R 2

public

public confidence in the purity, soundress, and firmness of his political principles, was very much shaken by his union with lord Grenville; to this union it was ascribed, by those who thought that peace could and ought to have been made with Bonaparte, in the year 1816, that it was not made; and it was also very generally supposed, that had Mr. Fox come into power unconnected with lord Grenville, he would have redeemed the promise made by him, while in oppoşition, in relation to reform and retrenchment. On some grand questions, indeed, the sentiments of ford Grenville and Mr. Fox,-and subsequently to Mr. Fox's death, of lord Grenville and the friends of Mr. Fox,-coincided completely; but, on every question which related to the extension of the rights of the people, or to the curbing of their power, they widely differed. The alarm caused by the occur. rences of the French revolution had taken deep hold on the imagination, the feelings, the prejudices, and perhaps the judgement of lord Grenville, and given to his political principles (always aristocratic) a higher tone of aristocracy, and a greater dread of public commotion. Hence, on the question respecting the suspension of the habeas corpus act, he gave ministers his cordial support; and on this question also they had at least the partial support of Mr. Ponsonby, Mr. Wynn, and other members, who on most occasions all voted with the opposition.

The opposition, indeed, for some years had been dwindling in numbers, respectability, talents-and had sunk much in the confidence and good-will of the public. Some of the causes that led to these effects

have been noticed by us in our for mer volumes: briefly and generally speaking, they were their anti-British feellings with regard to the war,-the victories we achieved,the character of Bonaparte,-and their predictions of the ultimate issue of the war; and their non-fulfilment, while in power, of those promises and plans of reform and retrenchment, which they had held up to the nation as long as they were in opposition.

But beside those causes, there were others which are to be sought for in the death of some of the members of opposition most distinguished for zeal, talent, and po. pularity. Let us contrast their ranks a few years ago with the appearance they make at present; then they could boast of Sheridan," Whitbread, Horner, and Ponsonby: now they are almost literally without a leader, and certainly destitute of such men as are necessary to keep together and strengthen their ranks. For some time before his death Sheridan indeed did not oc cupy a seat in the house of commons; and during the latter years that he did occupy it, his talents" and his character for respectability and usefulness, either to the nation or his party, had almost sunk into insignificance. But who that ever heard him, in the days of his glory, or that ever read any of his celebrated speeches, must not agree in the opinion, that in him the opposition lost a tower of strength? Mr. Whitbread and Mr. Horner, as well as Mr. Sheridan, were striking instances of the ease with which talents, even when unconnected with and unsupported by birth or fortune, make their way in Britain,none of them were men of family : Mr. Whitbread alone was a man

of

fortune; and that fortune had been entirely made by his father. The public character of Mr. Whitbread, as well as his talents, were of a very different kind from those of Mr. Sheridan he could hardly be deemed a regular member of opposition. Nor did he go so far in his opinions respecting reform, and the privileges and rights of the people, as sir Francis Burdett. His talents were rather solid, and those of a man of business and application, than brilliant or profound: and it must be confessed, that they would have commanded more confidence and respect, and been more useful to the nation, had they not been so much warped by prejudice, and that prejudice too, what might without unfairness be deemed anti-british. No man indulged so much as Mr. Whitbread in prophecies of the fatal termination of the war in which we were engaged with Bonaparte, in drawing a high estimate of the military and political talents of our great opponent, and a corresponding low estimate of the military and political talents with which he was met and combated. Like too many other members of the opposition, he had indulged too much in prophesying; and like all sanguine prophets, the joy arising from the nonfulfilment of his forebodings of evil, was, in some degree, at least counterbalanced by the chagrin, that his foresight and judgement had proved

erroneous.

As a mere party man, as a member of a regular and organized opposition, which is bound to follow their leader, and like soldiers to fight the ministry, without examining too minutely or conscien-. tiously the justice or even the policy of the quarrel-Mr. Horner, to his credit, could not be reckoned high. But, as a public man,-useful

to the best interests of the nation, not so much by the originality of his talents, or the extent of his information, as by the practical application of those talents and that information-his death was a great loss.

In Mr. Horner indeed was to be found that rare union of sound sense, extensive information, strict principle, command of temper, and practicability (if the term may be admitted), which in all situations of life are so useful and respectable; the source of so much conscious satisfaction to the possessor, and of so much benefit to those in whose behalf he exerts these qualities; but which, in public life, being at once so rare and needful, are almost beyond all price. Perhaps no stronger or less equivocal proof of the merits of Mr. Horner could have been given, than what appeared on the moving in the house of commons for a new member to serve in parliament for the borough of St. Mawes in his room. The tributes to his character which were then paid by all parties are so honourable to him, and to those who paid them, and moreover prove so de cidedly, that uprightness of principle must command respect, even in the midst of all the flexibility of political conduct that by too many public men is deemed unavoidable, that we shall make no apology for inserting here, at fuller length than could be given in the parliamentary debates, some of the eulogies on this most honourable man.

The new writ was moved by lord Morpeth; who, after stating the cir cumstances of Mr. Horner's death, and painting in brief but striking terms "those domestic charities, which embellished while they dignified his private character," thus proceeded:

"For his qualifications as a public man I can confidently appeal to a wider circle-to that learned profession of which he was a distinguished ornament-to this house, where his exertions will be long remembered with mingled feelings of regret and admiration. It is not necessary for me to enter into the detail of his graver studies and occupations. I may be allowed to say generally, that he raised the edifice of his fair fame upon a good and solid foundation-upon the firm basis of conscientious principle. He was ardent in the pursuit of truth; he was inflexible in his adherence to the great principles of justice and of right. Whenever he delivered in this house the ideas of his clear and intelligent mind, he employed that chaste, simple, but at the same time nervous and impressive style of oratory which seemed admirably adapted to the elucidation and discussion of important business: it seemed to combine the force and precision of legal argument with the acquirements and knowledge of

a statesman.

"Of his political opinions it is not necessary for me to enter into any detailed statement: they are sufficiently known, and do not require from me any comment or illustration. I am confident that his political opponents will admit, that he never courted popularity by any unbecoming or unworthy means: they will have the candour to allow, that the expression of his political opinions, however firm, manly, and decided, was untinctured with moroseness, and unembittered with any personal animosity or rancorous reflection. From these feelings he was effectually exempted by the operation of those qualities which formed the grace and the charm of his private life,

"But successful as his exertions were, both in this house and in the courts of law, considering the contracted span of his life, they can only be looked upon as the harbingers. of his maturer fame, as the presages and the anticipations of a more exalted reputation. But his career was prematurely closed. That his. loss to his family and his friends is irreparable, can be readily conceived; but I may add, that to this house and the country it is a loss of no ordinary magnitude: in these times it will be severely felt. In these times, however, when the structure of the constitution is undergoing close and rigorous investigation, on the part of some with the view of exposing its defects, on the part of others with that of displaying its beauties and perfections; we may derive some consolation from the reflection, that a man not possessed· of the advantages of hereditary rank or of very ample fortune, was enabled, by the exertion of his own honourable industry, by the successful cultivation of his native talents, to vindicate to himself a ştation and eminence in society, which the proudest and wealthiest might. envy and admire.

"I ought to apologize to the house, not, I trust, for having introduced the subject to their notice, for of that I hope I shall stand acquitted, but for having paid so imperfect and inadequate a tribute to the memory of my departed friend.".

M. Canning rose after lord Morpeth. He stated "that he knew Mr. Horner only as a public man, as a member of the house of cominons; and that from the circumstance of his own absence during the two last sessions, he had not the good fɔrtune to witness the later and more matured exhibition of his talents." "But," he added, "I had seen

enough