world, an address should now be proposed so inadequate to the importance of the crisis, and to that which the wants both of the crown and the people so imperiously required. This was the occasion when the cry of an afflicted people should be faithfully laid at the foot of the throne. And here he must complain that the meeting of par. liament had been so long postponed. It had been too long disused, merely for the convenience of ministers: it was to him a matter of astonish ment and regret, that when ministers had seen those distresses grow ing up from hour to hour, and from day to day, and from which the people implored relief, ministers should turn a deaf ear to their complaints; and that when parliament did meet, such a speech should be delivered from the throne--a speech containing no one distinct expres sion, involving no one principle for the guidance of ministers, and offering no one pledge whatever that inquiry should be made into the state of the nation; not calling upon them to examine into all the national bearings, and, if the calamity was great, to state it fully and distinctly; not for the purpose of inducing despondency; but with a view fully to state our difficulties, and to meet them with fortitude, together with the principles on which the only relief could be procured. The address was a mere echo of the speech from the throne: but the real distinction between it and the amendment proposed by his noble friend was, that the former was a mere respectful capping of mutual compliments between ministers and the house; while the latter, though far from being disrespectful, contained a plain statement of the difficulties in which the country was involved, and a reso

lution that parliament would make a radical inquiry into their nature and amount. The president of the council (lord Harrowby) had indeed told us, that the amendment of his noble friend was calculated to excite an uncalled for despondency; but all that was wished for was a declaration that you would enter into a serious examination of the state of the country, and adopt corresponding principles of public retrenchment. Was this, he would ask, calculated to spread despondency among the people of En. gland? to diminish our dignity in the eyes of our allies? Could we entertain the low and wretched idea, that we could gain any cha. racter in Europe by attempts at con, cealment? How could we parade over the continent an idea of our

dignity and consequence, while it could not fail to be universally known that a real canker was cor roding, and would at last consume the vitals of the country? Could our real situation be concealed by means of any boasting disguise? No; it was only by a full inquiry into the state of our resources, and an unsparing retrenchment of all unnecessary expenses, that the government could acquire any real dignity either abroad or at home, His noble friend had, in the course of his speech, distinctly stated his opinion, that some of the causes of our distresses were of a temporary nature: but it should not be for gotten, that the prosperity of our commerce sprung chiefly from temporary causes during the continu ance of the war, and that a total change was produced in the operation of these causes by the return of peace. He would say, indeed, that for some years prior to the peace, both the revenue and the commerce of the country had as

sumed

sumed an inflated and unnatural magnitude, but by this time they were reduced to their natural level. It was a great delusion, therefore, to assert that the causes of our distresses were of a temporary nature, and would be shortly overcome. He would mount up, however, to what appeared to him the grand original causes of all; thinking, as he did, that their lordships had hitherto merely argued on the proximate causes, as if they were the only ones that de. served attention. In this light he had always viewed the paper-currency of the country, though he had always viewed it while in office as a part of the necessary evils arising from the monstrous expenditure occasioned by the war. The original cause of our difficulties was that expenditure; but he did not therefore think that the war originally, or in its progress, was unjust or unnecessary. He gloried in the honour, and in all that the country had gained by it, from the small share which he had had, but especially from the interest he took in a relative whom he felt as dear to him as himself. What was the advantage we had gained by the war? It was in fact a question of life; and if that life were secured, would not the ministers allow us the means of life in respectability and comfort? Shall it be said, that we live, and that is all? Their lordships had been told that at the close of the American war the circumstances of the country were nearly the same with our present. On this point he possessed an actual advantage over the noble lord who made the statement, in point of age; an advantage which he could have wished to resign to him for almost any other balance. Though in close correspondence with many of the distinguished persons of that day, he had

no recollection of any degree of despondency prevailing among them. He had always heard a conviction stated, that the vigorous exertions of the parliament of that day, in enforcing public economy, would speedily relieve the country. But the comparative difference in our expense and burdens should also be taken into account. At that time the country was comparatively young; the long continuance of war had not succeeded in using, if he might so speak, its resources, We should consider also the effect which the war had had on our commerce. It was known that manufactures had in that period sprung up all over Europe. Not only were the governments of different con tinental states adverse, but also the whole people hostile, to our manufactures and commerce. So much was this the case, that we had actually seen some of the people of the friendly state of the Netherlands sacrificing their self-interests and making an auto da fe of our manufactures.-Another cause had been the imprudent cession made to France of some of her eastern possessions, by means of which a large portion of the trade of our own settlements now went through that channel, instead of enriching the commerce of this country. The difference, therefore, between the state in which we came out of the American war was strikingly manifest. The doctrine of the ministers was, that the revulsion from a state of war to that of peace was the cause of our distresses; just as if they proceeded not from war but from peace. This was completely reversing the old adage, that war was the cause of suffering, and not peace. So much as to the causes, which he did admit were only temporary, and which had also last

year

year been held forth as merely local-local was the favourite word. Now, however, it may be justly said:

Jupiter est quodcunque vides, quocun

que moveris"

so universal was the calamity. He admitted that the causes of the national distress were merely temporary, and the exertions of parliament might make them still more temporary. With this view he should contend that the military establishments might be reduced: secondly, he must conceive that it would be endeavouring to propagate a great delusion,to state that the civil establishments of this country did not require revision and reduction. He meant no reflection on the honourable men who now enjoyed such offices. Let them stand forward now, and manfully declare that they will not be any obstacles in the way of reduction. He would tell such gentlemen, it must be done; the eyes of the whole country were upon them the eyes of the British public. Would they not then adopt the vigorous amendment of his noble friend, instead of the milk and water address of the noble lords opposite? The circumstances of the times were so altered, that reductions were now requisite which were never even thought of before; and no minister, however successful in other respects, could be said to deserve well of the nation, who should not recommend the most rigid conomy in every branch of the expenditure. This was not a hasty opinion, but one which he had formed after the most earnest deliberation; and so convinced was he of its utility and importance, that to support it he would sacrifice his health, nay his life, if necessary, provided parliament could be induced to carry it into effect. This peace

had not brought with it the usual benefits of peace; we were not delivered from that unconstitutional evil, a standing army: the burdensome expenditure of our establishments was not reduced in proportion to our reduced means: the channels of national wealth and prosperity had not been opened. These were the principal topics that occurred to. him; and the main object on which he insisted was, that in the present state of the country it was not merely the duty of ministers to give a general pledge to be acconomical

as far as the safety of the empire and sound policy would allow;" (large words these, but of little definite meaning;) but they should have given a distinct pledge of what they intended to do, and to what extent they thought reduction would have been compatible at once with the safety and the means of the country. The noble marquis then adverted to the expedition to Aigiers, and applauded the victory obtained by lord Exmouth. As to the war in India, it seemed to him to be necessary, as far as he could, from imperfect acquaintance, understand the causes of it; from recollection of the territory of Nepaul, he had some doubt whether an undue importance had not been given to that expedition. He came now to that part of the speech which alluded to the supposed efforts employed to inflame the public mind. It would have been as well if the noble lords had pointed out some of the attempts made to depretiate that parliament of which those noble lords professed themselves to be such strenuous defenders. The noble lords, it seems, were great friends to the constitution, and of course great friends to parliament: indeed, they seemed to have shown their friendslip in a way which was the most

likely to maintain friendship, ac cording to an old saying, that "friends should meet seldom, and part quickly." But what could be thought of these advocates of the constitution, who, at a time of peculiar distress and emergency, suspend that very constitution which they pretend is so essential to our very existence; who, while the sufferings of the people are increasing from day to day, defer, till the very last moment, the assembling of that parliament which alone can provide remedies for the calamity, or check the discontent that every where prevails? With respect to those also who in all directions were crying out for parliamentary reform, he did not hesitate to avow an opinion, that, whatever the motives of these people might be, their plans all rested on principles which were diametrically opposite to the spirit as well as practice of the constitution. Universal suffrage and annual parliaments were not only unknown in the history of our constitution, but were subversive of its very nature. The very statement of reformn, so understood, is revolution. Not only do its principles tend to the subversion of our own beautiful fabric, but they would, from their very terms, de stroy and extinguish all order, all government. "But what then?" said the noble marquis; "do I say, that because these reformers are in error they ought to be silenced? Do I say that your lordships ought to check an Englishman's best privilege the right of talking and speaking about the constitution of his government? Do I recommend to your lordships to employ coercion to repress the mistakes of opinion? Oh, no! my lords. Your lordships assemble here for better and nobler purposes. Such, my

lords, is my view of the constitution. I was born under the influence of this glorious constitution : I was educated in its principles: no man owes more to it than I do: no family owes more to it than mine. I have therefore reason to love and admire it, and I would gladly lay down my life to support it. Quod adolescens amavi, non deseram senex, These are the principles by which I am prepared to abide. I would spend my health, my time, my life, in recommending to your lordships every mode of retrenchment and economy; but I would never give up my constitutional principles: by these principles I will stand or fall." The noble marquis concluded by supporting the amendment.

Lord Sidmouth should have thought, if the noble marquis. had not declared to the contrary, that he desponded of the state of the country, for he certainly never heard a speech more calculated to excite despondency. If the distresses were indeed permanent, what remedy could be found for them? All inquiry was useless, where the calamity was without cure. The noble marquis considered the address as inadequate to the emergency of the times. Now if he, as a party concerned in the wording of that address, could be supposed to divest himself of a natural partiality, he would say, that he considered the speech as one immediately adapted to the occasion. Its peculiar merit lay in its candour and explicitness. The nature of the distress was not disguised, and his royal highness was advised to state, that every mode of retrenchment would be adopted that was compatible with safety and sound policy. Was there any thing wrong in this? Was sound policy to be banished from the British councils?

What

What expenses can be reduced will be for the future consideration of your lordships. Government does not present any plan, but leaves it to the determination of parliament. He could not help thinking, that the noble marquis had not given the due regard to the statement of the noble earl (Harrowby) with respect to the conclusion of the Ame rican war. He (lord S.) recollected a great and illustrious person, who succeeded to office after lord North, and who expressed his astonishment at the dreadful state of the country, as infinitely worse than he had expected. Then there was no sinking fund, and there was, moreover, a deficiency of three millions in the revenue. Whereas now (with all our distresses) there was a reduction of eighteen millions of taxes, which was two millions more than the amount of the whole taxes before the war. Distress was as general after the American war as now, and manufactures as much depressed. Indeed the manufactures now were beginning to revive; there was considerable activity at Manchester and Glasgow. There was also an increasing demand for our mineral productions, and for the copper of Cornwall. He did not mean to say that this revival was very extensive, but it was enough to avert ruin. As to the causes of these distresses, he would not now touch upon them, any further than to say that the causes were not one or two, but a rare and extraordinary combination. He believed that the noble marquis was mistaken in supposing that our manufactures stood in any danger from the rivalry of foreign workmen; the fact was, that foreigners had not money to pay for our articles: what surplus money they had was applied to repairing the ravages of

war. What further could he say? The speech had given the assurance that retrenchment had been already set on foot; and parliament was en couraged to enter upon an inquiry immediately. As to the military expenditure, it was fit that he should state, that he did not think the amount was more than enough for the necessary demand for the purposes of the garrisons, dock-yards, and public peace. Indeed the army was reduced lower than it ought to be, or would have been, but for the deficient state of the finances. And as to the reductions already made, he had advised them with re luctance, because they at once augmented the public distresses, and the discontent which was the consequence of those distresses. In some respects, indeed, the evil is aggravated to others besides the poor sufferers: for the list of paupers is swelled by those discarded heroes, and of course the poor-rates are everywhere most burdensome. With respect to the allusion in the latter part of the speech, he could not think the regent was ill-advised in stating a fact which was notori, ous to every body. It was fit, however, that he (lord S.) should state to their lordships that he should, on Friday next, have a communica tion to make to the house from the prince, when their lordships would be able to inquire into the circumstances which have induced his majesty's ministers to express themselves as they have done, The noble viscount then contrasted the state of the country with what it would have been if Bonaparte had still been on the throne, where, he said, the opposition would have let him remain: we should have had an armed peace followed by expensive and ruinous war.

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