population, and the French are not edu- would only hoot. It is also quite possible cated; a population careless of military to exaggerate the evidences of official comexecutions, and the French dread them plicity, Asiatic rulers being much more unvery much. But that, if obeyed, they der the influence of opinion that we are would, at a hideous sacrifice of life and apt to suppose. They cannot afford to treasure, rid France of her invaders, we despise their soldiers, and their soldiers, have no doubt whatever, and can well un- unless mere mercenaries, share all the prejderstand how angrily Count Bismarck udices of the classes from which they are glances at the possibility, how harshly drawn. The tortures, too—and more German officers feel inclined to carry out especially the indecent tortures, which the terrorist rules intended to prevent usually accompany massacres in the East such war. Those terrorist rules may suc- disturb the Western imagination, which ceed, for human nature is weak; but they regards the wilful infliction of pain with a may also fail, for of all threats, the one loathing a Chinaman is incompetent even against which human nature rises up most to understand. Nevertheless, in this incourageously is war without quarter, and stance we think the evidence tends to show it is war without quarter which these exe- that the Anglo-Chinese are in the right, cutions of Francs-tireurs proclaim. "I am ane that the European community in to die if taken; then I will die fighting; "China stands in great danger of extirpaeven Hindoos are capable of that simple tion. The Chinese think that the French syllogism, and it is one which has at all times made insurgents formidable. If they fail, the free war may give as severe a shake to the Hohenzollern system as the hostility of the Revolution is certain to do to the Hohenzollern dynasty, and it is both these chances, pregnant with possibilities of future overthrow, which the King and his Minister are developing by continuing • the war. Had Jules Favre's offer been accepted, Germany would have retired almost unwounded, arbitress of Europe, and by the consent of all men entirely in the right. Were she to accept them now, she would retire with her future assured, her power far beyond attack, her enemies in France alone. If she protracts the war by demanding terms which Paris untaken cannot grant, she may obtain a Poland in the West to join hands with the Poland in the East; but she may also retire emptyhanded and sorely wounded, while she must retire knowing that henceforward between the Revolution and the Hohenzollern dynasty it is war to the death.

From The Economist.
OUR POSITION IN CHINA.

are the soldier people of Europe, they know that French power is broken, and they imagine that the hour is arrived when foreign interference may safely be brought to a close. It is quite impossible that this country should tolerate or even disregard a menace of that kind. Not only would its realization lead to an immediate and most annoying war, but its existence involves a danger which is too often overlooked. Capitalists do not like to live under personal terror. The existence of an infinitesimal extent of personal danger has for years past arrested the flow of English capital to Ireland, and the development of the trade with the interior of China is completely stopped by the risks which would attend its serious prosecution. It is quite within the range of possibilities that the Chinese might render residence in Shanghae and other ports so insecure, or dangerous, or unpleasant, that the place would cease to attract capital, and a trade of immense value, one which has scarcely begun but which already amounts to 20,000,000 a year, would be brought to a close. No country so dependent as our own upon Asiatic commerce could patiently endure such a loss; and we cannot but think that Government would do well to avoid it by precautions such as they have not yet employed.

WE are inclined, upon the whole, to believe that the position of British subjects Those precautions we venture to suggest and British interests in China deserves the have not yet been very wise, yielding as most serious attention of Her Majesty's they do a minimum of safety at a maximum Government. It is, no doubt, quite possi- of expense. The present system is to stable to overrate the political importance of tion an armed vessel or two in each Treaty an Oriental massacre, which is as often due port, to threaten bombardment if Europeto fear as to any other cause, the insur-ans are menaced; and in the event of exgents seeing no alternative between re- traordinary danger, to send a few marines spect and murder. Asiatics in all coun- and Madras troops, just enough to excite tries are apt to kill where Europeans Chinese susceptibility, but not enough to

resist a considerable force. These precau- themselves by any device not requiring a tions, which cost much money, are very great expenditure of time, as, for example, slowly taken, are apt to become effectual by enrolling themselves in volunteer artiltoo late, and leave ample time to the Chi- lery companies. Of course, it would be nese literati to try their favourite device necessary to regulate any resort to means -the rush of an armed but apparently of defence; but the merchants are not irresponsible mob, bent on pillage, torture, eager to check trade, and there are Conand execution. It does not take twelve suls with considerable powers over their hours to organize a massacre like that of people. Fortified Consulates would, we Tientsin, and though the foreigners usually believe, prevent many a Chinese war. have some warning, they very often have Before any scheme of defence can be not adequate force at hand. They can carried out, it is, however, necessary to repunish but not prevent atrocities, and sume, if possible, our ancient position of every punishment is apt to assume the di- isolation. The European Powers in China mensions of a war, very costly, very inglo- have contrived in the course of years to rious, and very injurious to trade. It is hamper themselves by a system of alliance indispensable to seek some means of defence of no practical value, and much practical which shall be more permanent, more com- injury. The theory is, that all Europe is, plete, and less costly; and we cannot but as regards China, a Federal Power, that think that it might be found in the expe- all States are to help each other, and that dient devised a century and a half ago by consequently any concession obtained by the East India Company, namely, the con- one State is for the general benefit of all. struction of a building or fort strong Even if the theory were acted on, it would enough to resist any attack not supported be a nuisance, as the representatives of by powerful artillery - a fort to be garri- France are never content with less than soned by sixteen or twenty gunners, and command, which England, in Asia, can the European volunteers. It is not the never afford to cede; while American diChinese army we have to fear, but the plomatists have a knack of posing themChinese mob; and against an armed mob selves as friends of both sides, and very even an ordinary house is a sufficient pro- candid friends, which destroys all appeartection. The Sepoys in India were fre- ance of unity among the strangers. But quently beaten off from mere dwelling- as a matter of fact it is not acted upon, houses, the windows of which had been French women being murdered under cirprotected by bags of sand. Four low tow-cumstances which implicate the officials ers connected by walls, with an ordinary flat and incombustible roof over the enclosure, a minute railway station in fact, would afford a sufficient retreat for a few days, during which the European residents would be able to read the mob a terrible lesson, until orders either arrived from Pekin or support from the nearest squadron. Better still would be the plan of the old East India Company, of obtaining certain delegated rights over a limited plot of ground, within which the European municipality would be entitled to make its own byelaws, and defend itself as it best could. The capital cities of India, with their vast populations, are controlled usually by forts of very little use in war, and have for a century been wonderfully exempt from mob risings, though in one of them, at least, there is a populace more warlike, bigoted, and dangerous than that of any Chinese city. It should be observed that in China, as in India, civil residents are accustomed to a certain degree of selfdefence, and would very gladly protect

without English representatives attempting to enforce reparation or punishment. At the same time, the discredit of not enforcing them attaches, in Chinese eyes, to the English as much as to the French. We suffer from an apparent obligation which, nevertheless, we do not fully acknowledge. Of course in very serious emergencies civilized men will hang together against semi-civilized men; but there seems no reason why we should exert ourselves to obtain concessions from Pekin, which must be instantly shared with Powers who have scarcely any interests in China, or why we should give up the power of controlling our own people, because any ruling local committee must be international, and, therefore, inefficient. We want to see an "English factory" of the old Company's fashion in each centre of Chinese trade, and we would ask Lord Granville whether the time has not arrived for releasing our policy in China from the confused kind of Federal idea by which it is at present so hopelessly embarrassed?

THE COMMERCIAL LAWS OF THE STATES: A Summary of the Laws of each State relating to Arrest; Assignments; Attachment; Collections; Commercial Paper; Corporations; Depositions; Dower; Deeds; Damages of Bills; Execution; Exemption; Factors and Consignees; False Pretences; Homesteads; Imprisonment for Debt; Interest; Usury; Liens; Statutes of Limitation; Receivers; Redemption; Stay Laws; Partnership; The Rights of Married Women, &c. This work will be found to contain a complete summary of the law of each State, on the subjects named. One volume, 328 pages, neatly bound. New York, 1870. Published at the office of the Bankers' Magazine and Statistical Register, No. 23 Murray Street. Price Three Dollars. For sale by Little, Brown & Co., Boston.

PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY BY

LITTELL & GAY, BOSTON.

FOR EIGHT DOLLARS, remitted directly to the Publishers, the LIVING AGE will be punctually for. warded for a year, free of postage. But we do not prepay postage on less than a year, nor where we have to pay commission for forwarding the money.

Price of the First Series, in Cloth, 36 volumes, 90 dollars.

Any Volume Bound, 3 dollars; Unbound, 2 dollars. The sets, or volumes, will be sent at the expense of the publishers.

PREMIUMS FOR CLUBS.

For 5 new subscribers ($40.), a sixth copy; or a set of HORNE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BIBLE, unabridged, in 4 large volumes, cloth, price $10; or any 5 of the back volumes of the LIVING AGE, in numbers, price $10.

The rustling leaves, the saddened winds, the And unto local love affection doth dispose.

On the Lake of the Four Cantons, on the right, or north side of that part called the Bay of Buochs, lies a little valley, the steep sides of which form the beds of two torrents, that rush down from the three secondary summits of Mount Righi. These three summits, forming an amphitheatre, are from 4800 to 5200 feet high; they In the beginning of this century, the popslope precipitously into the lake, to the ulation comprised only twelve hundred and east and west of the valley of which we ninety-four inhabitants; the last speak, and isolate it so much from the sur-shows seventeen hundred and forty. They rounding country that there are no means live by raising cattle, fishing, navigation, of access to it, except from the lake, or and the manufacture of silk, not only in through narrow mountain paths. On the the two factories, of which we have spoken, shore, at the end of this valley, are seen but in their own houses. the white houses of the village of Gersau.