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entirely in the breast of the judge. And law, without equity, though hard and disagreeable, is much more desirable for the public good than equity without law; which would make every judge a legislator, and introduce most infinite confusion; as

business to vindicate the courts of equity from aspersions and doubts, once as intemperately as unwisely cast upon, or raised concerning them;" he, nevertheless, does go on to tell us of those very courts which he elsewhere says are "unfitted for enforcing the observance of social duties and obligations," that "their extensive utility is "imrecognised," and that there are portant and multitudinous avocations which these courts must fulfil, by reason that no others can." He undertakes to shew, that there are "some points which cannot be decided according to rules of law, whilst such points can be decided by rules distinct from law;" and he justly concludes that, if this is made to appear, "the enumeration of those points will, of itself, assist to form a barrier between the two jurisdictions, the merely legal and the merely equitable." He adds, "it is not a mere difference of modes of exercising their functions that marks the distinction; the things about which such exercise takes place, are in themselves so different, that they demand a separate and distinct exercise of judicial functions, quite independently of forms and modes, for the decision of the right." He instances the power which the superior courts of equity possess, of preventing future contemplated injustice, by means of an injunction, in many cases where the interference of a court of law would come too late to remedy the injury; this, he adds, "is the great discriminating function of a court of equity, peculiar and appropriate to the possible and prospective occasion of wrong, and not like the limited power of a court of common law, which no machinery, no practice, could mould to meet and obviate the mere future possibilities of delinquency." If this be so; if, as the writer in question tells us, courts of

equity perform "discriminate, peculiar, and appropriate functions," of which "the extensive utility is recognised," and which courts of common law could not possibly be moulded to perform; what becomes of the alleged "absurdity" of saying that, between the systems of two courts, one which possesses "high, most beneficial, but superadded powers," that the other neither does nor can "by any machinery or practice be moulded to execute," there is some distinction? Does it, indeed "require the subtlety of a Loyola to understand" so broad a distinction? or-sheer, honest ignorance apart, which it would not be courteous to impute-does it not require all the subtlety, not only of the founder of the order of Jesuits, but of all his very able followers, to confound such distinct subjects? To a denial, however, of any distinction, the writer alluded to shews a disposition to cling, even after he has offered a demonstration of its existence; for, in the very same paragraph in which he enumerates several of the peculiar functions of courts of equity, he goes on to say, "such cases are not otherwise distinguished from law, than as they are distinguished in point of accident and substance" and he seems to think he has contrived a loop-hole whereby to creep out of the charge of inconsistency, by asking, "whether courts of equity and courts of law do not owe their institution to the same authority." Now, as to the first of these remarks, it surely would puzzle "the subtlety of a Loyola to unfold" the nature of any distinction which was not marked by a difference "in point of accident or substance;" but, where two things differ in both these respects, it requires no very keen vision to discern their dissimilarity. As to the second observation, it may be very true that the two systems of law

there would then be almost as many different rules of action laid down in our courts, as there are differences of capacity and sentiment in the human mind.

and of equity derive their institution from the same ultimate source; still, is it difficult to comprehend that, if one of those systems embraces peculiar functions, which "the frame of the other is not constructed" to reach, they are essentially different?

The writer in question closes the note already alluded to, by charging himself with an omission of which he had not

been guilty. After having just previously alluded to " violations of trust,' (which sound very like frauds), and having before told us that, "in the case of meditated waste, or transfer, for their own purposes, of funds over which trustees, or guardians, or executors, have a temporary control, against which abuses a court of common law cannot even suggest a power of prevention, an appeal to the august courts" (of equity) 'puts the property beyond the embezzlement of the fraudulent:" he finishes by saying, "I have not yet adverted to fraud, or fraudulent transactions, over which it has been said that equity has a peculiar jurisdiction; but it has not." And the notable proof finally offered (to shew that courts of equity have not that peculiar jurisdiction which the same writer had previously contended that they do possess, and which, he had asserted, it would be impossible for a court of law to exercise) is, to point out that there are cases in which, provided a plaintiff be able at once to prove fraud actually committed, a court of law is competent to inflict penalty or punishment. The business of an annotator is of a humble nature, but whoever undertakes it ought, at least, to be able to distinguish between a peculiar jurisdiction, applicable to certain branches of a subject, and an exclusive jurisdiction, admitting no concurrent authority over any portion thereof: and if it would be too much to expect that an editor should

make all his notes, throughout a long work, consistent with each other, it can hardly be unreasonable to think that, the different parts of one and the same note ought not to be directly at variance.

It had been desired, throughout this note, to keep in mind the precept, rather than the too frequent example, of the writer animadverted upon, against the inconclusiveness, as well as the coarseness of "railing:" it is impossible, indeed, to preserve a tone of compliment, whilst one is employed on the distasteful task of unravelling (what is sincerely thought to be) a tissue of inconsistency; but it is not necessary to involve oneself in (what a fine writer might call) the 'lurid clouds" of dull invective. The inconsistencies, indeed, above pointed out, though they have been widely disseminated by the sale of a very large impression, would not have been at all noticed here, had there not been occasional sentences in Blackstone's text, which might lead the reader to believe that the jurisdictions of law and equity are never in opposition to each other: that they are generally concurrent is, fortunately, most true; but (not to multiply instances) when a party is prohibited, by injunction of the Court of Chancery, from setting up claims which a court of law would at once acknowledge; or, when equity even forbids a plaintiff to take the fruits of a judgment actually obtained at law, would it not be a departure from the common meaning of words to deny that these are cases of opposition? Such opposition implies nothing offensive, when it is only employed for the furtherance of justice; which must ever be equally the wish of both jurisdictions, though the forms of one may not, in every instance, enable it to effect that desirable consummation.

SECTION III.

OF THE LAWS OF ENGLAND.

THE municipal law of England, or the rule of civil conduct prescribed to the inhabitants of this kingdom, may with sufficient propriety be divided into two kinds: the lex non scripta, the unwritten, or common law; and the lex scripta, the written, or statute law.

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defined.

The lex non scripta, or unwritten law, includes not only general customs, or the common law properly so called, but also the particular customs of certain parts of the kingdom; and likewise those particular laws, that are by custom observed only in certain courts and jurisdictions. When I call these parts of our law leges non scriptæ, I would Unwritten law not be understood as if all those laws were at present merely oral, or communicated from the former ages to the present solely by word of mouth. It is true, indeed, that in the profound ignorance of letters which formerly overspread the whole western world, all laws were entirely traditional, for this plain reason, because the nations among which they prevailed had but little idea of writing. Thus the British as well as the Gallic druids committed all their laws as well as learning to memory (a); and it is said of the primitive Saxons here, as well as their brethren on the continent, that leges sola memoria et usu retinebant (b). But, with us at present, the monuments and evidences of our legal customs are contained in the records of the several courts of justice in books of *reports and judi- [ *64 ] cial decisions, and in the treatises of learned sages of the profession, preserved and handed down to us from the times of highest antiquity. However, I therefore style these parts of our law leges non scriptæ, because their original institution and authority are not set down in writing, as acts of parliament are, but they receive their binding power, and the force of laws, by (a) Cæs. de B. G. lib. 6, c. 13. (b) Spelm. Gl. 362.

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long and immemorial usage, and by their universal reception throughout the kingdom. In like manner as Aulus Gellius defines the jus non scriptum to be that which is "tacito et illiterato hominum consensu et moribus expressum."

Our ancient lawyers, and particularly Fortescue (c), insist with abundance of warmth that these customs are as old as the primitive Britons, and continued down, through the several mutations of government and inhabitants, to the present time, unchanged and unadulterated. This may be the case as to some; but in general, as Mr. Selden in his notes observes, this assertion must be understood with many grains of allowance; and ought only to signify, as the truth seems to be, that there never was any formal exchange of one system of laws for another; though doubtless, by the intermixture of adventitious nations, the Romans, the Picts, the Saxons, the Danes, and the Normans, they must have insensibly introduced and incorporated many of their own customs with those that were before established (1): thereby, in all probability, improving the texture and wisdom of the whole by the accumulated wisdom of divers particular countries. Our laws, saith Lord Bacon (d), are mixed as our language; and as our language is so much the richer, the laws are the more complete.

And indeed our antiquaries and early historians do all positively assure us, that our body of laws is of this compounded nature. For they tell us that in the time of Alfred, the local customs of the several provinces of the kingdom were grown so various, that he found it expedient to compile his Domebook, or Liber Judicialis, for the general use of the whole kingdom. *This book is said to have been extant so late as the reign of King Edward the Fourth, but is now unfortunately lost. It contained, we may probably suppose, the principal maxims of the common law, the penalties for misdemesnors, and the forms of judicial proceedings. Thus much may at least be collected from that injunction to observe it, which we find in the laws of King Edward the Elder, the son of Alfred (e). "Omnibus qui reipublicæ præsunt etiam atque etiam mando, ut omnibus æquos se præbeant judices, perinde ac in judiciali libro (Saxonice, dom-bec) scriptum habetur: nec quicquam (c) C. 17. (d) See his proposals for a Digest.

(1) See ante, p. 3, n. 1.

(e) C. 1.

formident quin jus commune (Saxonice, folcnihte) audacter libereque dicant."

But the irruption and establishment of the Danes in England, which followed soon after, introduced new customs, and caused this code of Alfred in many provinces to fall into disuse, or at least to be mixed and debased with other laws of a coarser alloy; so that, about the beginning of the eleventh century, there were three principal systems of laws prevailing in different districts: 1. The Mercen-Lage, or Mercian laws, Mercian laws. which were observed in many of the midland counties, and those bordering on the principality of Wales, the retreat of the ancient Britons; and therefore very probably intermixed

with the British or Druidical customs. 2. The West-Saxon West Saxon laws. Lage, or laws of the West Saxons, which obtained in the counties to the south and west of the island, from Kent to Devonshire. These were probably much the same with the laws of Alfred above mentioned, being the municipal law of the far most considerable part of his dominions, and particularly including Berkshire, the seat of his peculiar residence. 3. The Dane-Lage, or Danish law, the very name of Danish law. which speaks its original and composition. This was principally maintained in the rest of the midland counties, and also on the eastern coast, the part most exposed to the visits of that piratical people. As for the very northern provinces, they were at that time under a distinct government (ƒ).

*Out of these three laws, Roger Hovēden (g) and Ranulphus [ *66 ] Cestrensis (h) inform us, King Edward the Confessor extracted one uniform law, or digest of laws, to be observed throughout the whole kingdom; though Hoveden, and the author of an old manuscript chronicle (i) assure us likewise, that this work was projected and begun by his grandfather, King Edgar. And, indeed, a general digest of the same nature has been constantly found expedient, and therefore put in practice by other great nations, which were formed from an assemblage of little provinces governed by peculiar customs, as in Portugal, under King Edward, about the beginning of the fifteenth century (k). In Spain, under Alonzo X. who, about the year 1250, executed the plan of his father St. Ferdinand, and collected all the provincial customs into

(f) Hal. Hist. 129.

(g) In Hen. II.

(b) In Edw. Confessor.

VOL. I.

(i) In Seld. ad Eadmer, 6.
(k) Mod. Un. Hist. xxii. 135.

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