But before I proceed to examine these, I shall beg leave to offer a few remarks on a point, which though it has been considered by Protestants in ge neral as a political one merely, has been thought by Catholics to involve their spiritual rights: I allude to the Royal Veto on the appointment of Catholic Bishops. The principle upon which the Catholics resist this is of very important practical application to the deposing question, and bears directly upon it. They declare that the spiritual and temporal powers are absolutely and perfectly distinct and independent. The Pope in their opinion, possesses the former in their fullest extent, but he has no right, authority; or controul whatever over the latter; as on the other. hand they acknowledge his Majesty to be in the fullest and most independent manner possessed of the latter, though they deny him all interference in the former.* When there are temporalities annexed to spiritual dignity, it becomes the duty of the person raised to that dignity, to do homage to the temporal Prince, under whose protection, and by the laws administered in whose name those temporalities are enjoyed and possessed by him; but where there are no temporalities, the function is purely spiritual, and to suffer any interference, is so far acknowledging another power, paramount to their spiritual head, and therefore virtually recognizing his Majesty's ecclesiastical supremacy. The history of the Catholic church in England,

*"The civil and spiritual powers" says Mr. Francis Plowden, ་ are absolute, supreme, independent, and uncontroulable in their nature. By no possible supposition, ean they act upon or interfere with each other, because each acts upon its separate object." And Bishop Warburton has said of the Civil Magistrate, that "whatever refers to the body is his jurisdiction, whatever to the soul, is not.”

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shews that from the time of the reformation, the members of that communion have uniformly opposed and denied it, even when that opposition and denial were punished with death. It might naturally be wished by Protestants, that they would concede this point; but it cannot be pressed, if it be considered as a religious principle or a spiritual right; and if the matter which they refuse be in our eyes of small im portance, it at least furnishes another proof that the Catholics are a conscientious body of Christians, and certainly ought not to prejudice us against their claims · In denying the King's supremacy in spirituals, they do no more than is done by the whole body of Protestant Dissenters in England and Ireland, and by the Presbyterian establishment in Scotland. That this denial is consistent with the most loyal attachment to his Majesty's person and government, is sufficiently evinced by the conduct and principles of those bodies. That such a denial even in the days of Queen Elizabeth, when a suspicion of its tendency was more natural and excuseable, was not associated with any disloyal feeling, appears from the conduct of the only temporal Peer, who resisted in the House of Lords, the Queen's spiritual claims. The Bishops, with scarcely any exception, objected to it. The temporal Lords were more accommodating, with the exception of Anthony Brown, Lord Viscount Montague. Yet when his Sovereign's rights were threatened by the Catholic inva sion, this very individual" did nevertheless bring to Tilbury, a gallant body of horsemen, commanded by himself, his son, and his grandson, thus periling his whole house in the issue of the contest."* Nor is this to be wondered at; for in the hour of peril, men of

* Osborne's Traditional Memoirs of Queen Elizabeth.

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honest and unyielding principle, would be the surest reliance of the Sovereign, and the first to rally round the throne; while the unprincipled and the time-server› would forget their hollow professions, and retire from the conflict.

Among the political apposers of the Catholics, there will no doubt be many who judge of the question arithmetically; who know that the chances of obtaining any situation of trust or influence, must be multiplied in the same proportion as competitors are excluded; but I cannot doubt that many rise far beyond the influence of such a principle. To these I would address the following brief observations.

It is certain that a considerable portion of discontent and dissatisfaction exists in Ireland among a vast majority of its population, on account of the Catholic disabilities. It will not be doubted that it would be an extremely desirable event to sooth these feelings and to remove the causes which have excited them, provided it could be done without the sacrifice of any important principle, or endangering the state. If either of these evils were apprehended, there can be no doubt that the Legislature would be sufficiently aware of them; and unless the apprehension were discovered to be without foundation, they would act accordingly. But the question has now assumed a new complexion.The addresses against the Catholic claims, which have been sent up from this and from other places, seem to have arrayed one portion of the inhabitants of the United Kingdom against the other. The friends of peace and harmony and national conciliation, night formerly have said to the Irish Catholics, that political reasons, the prejudices of ministers, or even party views, might interfere with their wishes, but that the great body of the nation were their friends, and dis

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posed to give them the hand of true national cordiality. But what reply will now be made when the mortified: Catholic shall exclaim :-It is not only with the prejudices of party we have to contend; the whole nation suspects and distrusts us; they are every where petioning against us? Certainly none, unless some change should be effected in the popular feeling upon the subject, and the Counter Petitions should in weight and number, bear a less inadequate proportion to the original ones, than they at present do. If a more liberal spirit were diffused among those whose opinions and conduct influence the multitude, the prejudices of the latter would soon be removed. But however unjust they may be, they will only be more and more firmly rivetted, when thus sanctioned by the example of those to whose authority they are accustomed to defer.

The present Petitions to the Legislature are then particularly to be deprecated, because they tend to keep the mass of the population of the two United Kingdoms, jealous of, or hostile to each other. And this is particularly gratifying to those of the Catholics, if any such exist, who without much regard to their own religion, or to any other, hope that by separating the affections of the inhabitants of the two sister islands, they may finally effect a permanent political separation. Such persons, I have no doubt, dread the consequences of the concession of the Catholic claims, far more than the most prejudiced alarmist. What an advantage then would it be to our common country, by this act of justice, or if the term be more agreeable, of liberality, to disarm thèse factious spirits at once; to extract their venom, and to render them impotent for ever.

It appears impolitic voluntarily to forego the services of perhaps a fifth part of the inhabitants of the

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empire for although the number of Catholics who might actually attain those high offices from which they are now excluded, might be very few, yet it is not easy to calculate the vast effect that would be produced, the impulse that would be given to the spirit and enterprize of such a body of people. It would communicate energy and activity to the whole mass. The effect may be illustrated in a familiar way by the Lottery. Every one who takes a chance knows that the probability against his obtaining a great prize is immense; yet this does not restrain a multitude of persons from contending for it. But let any one calculate what would be the effect, if none of the great prizes existed, or, which would be the same thing to that class, if a certain class of persons were excluded from all hope of ever attaining them. I will venture to affirm that however the price of tickets might be lowered in proportion to the smaller benefits to be derived, they would no longer find purchasers.

If the object of the Catholic disabilities, and of that cruel and unchristian code of which an account has been given in p. 16, were to convert Catholics, it has totally failed of its end. The number of Catholics, far from diminishing, has greatly encreased. Can men now require to be taught that the blood of martyrs is the seed of the church, and that any persecution, short of absolute extirpation, only increases the numbers and the fortitude of the persecuted sect?

If the experiment of severity have so totally failed, if family union could not be broken up by the damning lure held out to any profligate son to change his religion, in order to secure to himself the fortunes of his family; if priests would not renounce their faith, though the law immediately offered them provision and security, instead of penury and danger; if all the

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