ples, as has been attempted, must necessarily lead to many disappointed applications. But in the absence of that specific legislation on the subject, which has been, and still is earnestly requested, the Department has not hesitated (it is hoped faithfully) to discharge, and frankly to explain, the duties and the high and painful responsibility, which so much discretionary power has imposed." I believe this high responsibility could barely be intrusted to abler, or more faithful hands; but I would not have it rest even there. All I say is, let us attend to our own appropriate duties, before we heap grave charges upon co-ordinate departments of the Government. If the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Wise) was not misled himself, his remarks in relation to the report of which he complains, as not containing the whole truth, were manifestly calculated to mislead the public. That report was not made by the present Secretary, but by another distinguished individual, who has been recently appointed by the President and his constitutional advisers, to which body of constitutional advisers that report was made, to a situation which, in point of dignity and high responsibility, is hardly inferior to that of the Chief Magistracy itself. I could add nothing, if I were disposed, to such a commentary on the report, and the gentleman making it. SPEECH ON THE WEST POINT ACADEMY. THE following speech was delivered by Mr. Pierce June 30, 1836, upon a Bill making appropriations for the Military Academy of the United States for the year 1836. It will be found by the reader to be able and statesmanlike : Mr. Pierce, of New-Hampshire, rose and addressed the chair as follows: "MR. CHAIRMAN-An attempt was made during the last Congress to bring the subject of the re-organization of the Military Academy before the country, through a report of a committee. The same thing has been done during the present session, again and again, but all efforts have proved alike unsuccessful! Still you do not cease to call for appropriations; you require the people's money for the support of the institution, while you refuse them the light necessary to enable them to judge of the propriety of your annual requisitions. Whether the amount proposed to be appropriated by the bill upon the table is too much, or too small, or precisely sufficient to cover the current expenses of the institution, is a matter into which I will not at present inquire, but I shall feel bound to oppose the bill in every stage of its progress. I cannot vote a single dollar until the resolution of inquiry, presented by my friend from Kentucky, (Mr. Hawes,) at an early day in the session, shall sir, be first taken up and disposed of. I am aware, that it will be said, because I have heard the same declaration on a former occasion, that this is not a proper time to discuss the merits of the institution; that the bill is to make provision for the expenses already incurred in part, and whatever opinions may be entertained upon the necessity of a re-organization, the appropriation must be made. I say to gentlemen who are opposed to the principles of the institution, and those who believe that abuses exist, which ought to be exposed and corrected, that now is their only time, and this the only opportunity, during the present session, to attain their object, and I trust they will steadily resist the bill, until its friends shall find it necessary to take up the resolution of inquiry, and give it its proper reference. Sir, why has this investigation been resisted? Is it not an institution which has already cost this country more than three millions of dollars, for which you propose, in this very bill, an appropriation of more than one hundred and thirty thousand, and which at the same time, in the estimation of a large portion of the citizens of this Union, has failed, eminently failed, to fulfil the objects for which it was established, of sufficient interest and importance to claim the consideration of a committee of this House, and of the House itself? I should have expected the resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Hawes) merely proposing an inquiry, to pass without opposition, had I not witnessed the strong sensation, nay, excitement, that was produced here at the last session, by the presentation of his yet unpublished report. Sir, if you would have an exhibition of highly excited feeling, it requires little observation to learn that you may produce it at any moment, by attacking such laws as confer exclusive and gratuitous privileges. The adoption of the resolution of inquiry, at the last session of Congress, and the appointment of a select committee under it, were made the occasion of newspaper paragraphs which, in tone of lamentation and direful prediction, rivalled the most highly wrought specimens of the panic era. One of those articles I preserved, and have before me. It commences thus: "The architects of ruin. This name has been appropriately given to those who are leading on the base, the ignorant, and the unprincipled, in a remorseless war upon all the guards and defences of society." I introduce it here merely to show what are, in certain quarters, considered the guards and defences of society. After various compliments, similar to that just cited, the article proceeds: "All this is dangerous as novel, and the ultimate results cannot be contemplated without anxiety. If this spirit extends, who can check it? Down with the bank;' 'down with the Military Academy; down with the judiciary;' down with the Senate;' will be followed by watch-words of a worse character." Here, Mr. Chairman, you have the United States Bank 6 first, and then the Military Academy, as the guards and defences of your country. If it be so, you are indeed feebly protected. One of these guards and defences is already tottering. And who are the architects of ruin that have resolved its downfall? Are they the base, the ignorant, and the unprincipled? No, sir. The most pure and patriotic portion of your community; the staid, industrious, intelligent farmers and mechanics, through a public servant, who has met responsibilities, and seconded their wishes with equal intrepidity and success, in the camp and in the cabinet, have accomplished this great work. Mr. Chairman, there is no real danger to be apprehended from this much dreaded levelling principle. From the middling interest you have derived your most able and efficient support in the most gloomy and trying periods of your history. And what have they asked in return? Nothing but the common advantages and blessings of a free government, administered under equal and impartial laws. They are responsible for no portion of your legislation, which, through its partial and unjust operation, has shaken this Union to its centre. That has had its origin in a different quarter, sustained by wealth, the wealth of monopolies, and the power and influence which wealth, thus accumulated and disposed, never fails to control. Indeed, sir, while far from demanding at your hands special favors for them |