dered themselves indemnified by the increased value of the advowson. As to these cases, there may have been a son or relative, for whom it was desirable to make a provision-but I will rather suppose, that such augmentations (as we are not yet without truly benevolent individuals) were acts of pure generosity. In very many cases, however, a totally different course will be followed-a patron will generally prefer a privilege in favor of his property, to the securing of Tithes in kind to the living-the advantage of the one over that of the other is as five to three; for a proprietor will give twenty years purchase for the Tithes of his estate, and only twelve for an advowson-his desire, therefore, to get his lands protected at the expense of the benefice, will be in the same proportion-the best men will not take the living on the conditions he may propose, and, consequently, the Church will be filled by one of inferior worth.

My Lord, I have long felt deep regret that although complaints were continually made against abuses, real or imaginary, in our Church establishment, yet the Bills which were brought in from time to time, effected nothing-they served no other purpose than to put off the subject, whilst the causes of dissatisfaction were suffered to remain and to rankle-new complaints were made, and new Bills like the former were passed-until men who could not, and men who would not discriminate between the Church itself, and measures adopted in connexion with it, began to conclude that the disease was so deeply seated as to be wholly incurable. The proposed measure, my Lord, as far as it is said to be calculated for the removing of discon

tent, is like the Bills which we have had already-it does not even point to one of the causes of inconvenience which the Clergy experience; and, if it be carried into a law, at this time, it may retard or prevent the adoption of other measures, which would be attended with real benefits to the Church establishment. My objections are not against the principle of the proposed Bill, for I think that the period of legal memory may be shortened-but I object to it on account of the time, at which it is brought forward, and the provisions which it contains-and I am the more anxious that the portion of it, which applies to the nullum tempus, &c., should be delayed; because, from hints, which have been dropped, there is reason to fear that some half-measure Bills are not unlikely to follow.

The Church, my Lord, may receive very extensive improvements, by merely calling into proper operation some of those principles, which constitutionally belong to her. And so long as these are preserved, no danger whatever is to be feared from effectual measures-on the contrary, she may then indulge the prospect of enjoying permanent quiet from without, when all is restored to a state of healthy energy within. Such views, my Lord, are by no means confined to me-they have been long entertained by many, and are rapidly spreading among the ordinary classes of the Clergy. A strong and general feeling prevails, that they are not fully represented-and, consequently, that their clerical comforts are not consulted, and their interests either unknown, or not sufficiently protected.

I have, in my Letter to EARL GREY, stated most of the real causes of the dissatisfaction which prevails, and the remedies which these causes appeared to suggest. I will, therefore, merely enumerate them at present, and refer to that Letter for a more complete account of them.

1st. Cause. Not Tithe suits, but the practical working of the Tithe system.

Let Tithes be commuted into a corn-rent, charged upon the proprietor, with a power of recovery as in the cases of rent or of debt.

2nd. Non-residence of Incumbents.

Let no further pluralities be allowed, no more living be held in commendam-and let residence be enforced.

Srd. Inequality of Clerical provision.

Before I state my remedy in this case, I wish to say that I adhere to my former view of Church property; and I am disposed to think that it must be correct, because it is only disapproved of by certain individuals, who are ultras of opposite kinds-the one set referring to a Monarch who, I presume, held a sceptre in the moon, and the other hoping to find a charter in one of Professor Buckland's caves. I thought I had carried Church property sufficiently far back, for any good purpose. The light in which I consider it is-that it is a functionary property, not assigned by the State, but derived to us from the earliest Christian teachers, and, owing to its great antiquity, carrying along with it common-law rightsthat, being a functionary property, it is to be enjoyed by the Church for the religious instruction of the

people, and the exercise of charity-and that although the income of every individual living form a distinct property, yet the most ancient practice of the Church, misapplied, but yet followed up by the Church of Rome, and since continued by our laws, proves that these properties may nevertheless be lawfully made to contribute towards the aid of each other, by means of

a tax.

The remedy, then, which I proposed for this third cause of offence, as well as to facilitate the removal of the second, was by a scale of taxation. As I did not say, in my other Letter, to what extent I thought the process of augmentation should be carried, I beg to make an addition here-I think, then, that augmentation should cease, when Bishoprics are raised to £5000. per annum, and Livings to £400.-that then the scale should be so far modified, as to render the highest preferment subject to a tax of only ten per cent.—and that the produce of this last rate of taxation should be continued, for the purpose of building and endowing new Churches, in all parishes, the population of which shall exceed 4000 persons.

There are also many other causes; but they are of minor importance, and might speedily be remedied, were these, which I have stated, once removed.

My Lord, I have made no apology for taking the liberty of addressing you, and now think it better to trust to your Lordship's kind indulgence, than to make an attempt to do that which, I am sure, I should fail to execute in a manner due to you. I have stated my sentiments without fear or favor-the former I never felt, and I have the subject too deeply at heart

to think of the latter.

Even if your Lordship should not approve of the remedies I have ventured to propose, I yet earnestly solicit your attention to the real causes of the existing complaints. No man holds a higher place in the estimation and confidence both of the Clergy and Laity; and no man is better qualified than your Lordship is, to devise and complete such effectual measures, as may establish the peace, and extend the usefulness of the Church of England.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,