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England, that the Duke of York was sure alive. As for the name of Perkin Warbeck, it was not at that time comen to light, but all the news ran' upon the Duke of York; that he had been entertained in Ireland, bought and sold in France, and was now plainly avowed and in great honour in Flanders. These fames took hold of divers; in some upon discontent, in some upon ambition, in some upon levity and desire of change, in some few upon conscience and belief, but in most upon simplicity 2, and in divers out of dependence upon some of the better sort who did in secret favour and nourish these bruits. And it was not long ere these rumours of novelty had begotten others of scandal and murmur against the King and his government, taxing him for a great taxer of his people and discountenancer of his nobility. The loss of Brittaine and the peace with France were not forgotten; but chiefly they fell upon the wrong that he did his Queen, and that he did not reign in her right; wherefore they said that God had now brought to light a masculine branch of the House of York that would not be at his courtesy, howsoever he did depress his poor lady. And yet (as it fareth in things which are current with the multitude and which they affect) these fames grew so general, as the authors were lost in the generality of speakers; they being like running weeds that have no certain root, or like footings up and down impossible to be traced. But after a while these ill humours drew to an head, and settled secretly in some eminent persons 3; which were Sir William Stanley Lord Chamberlain of the King's household, the Lord Fitzwater, Sir Symond Mountford, Sir Thomas Thwaits. These entered into a secret conspiracy to favour Duke Richard's title; nevertheless none engaged their fortunes in this business openly but two, Sir Robert Clifford and master William Barley, who sailed over into Flanders, sent indeed from the party of the conspirators here to understand the truth of those things that passed there, and not without some help of moneys from hence, provisionally to be delivered-if they found and were satisfied that there was truth in these pretences. The person of Sir Robert Clifford (being a gentleman of fame and family) was ex

So Ed. 1622. The MS. has "came."

2 Imbecillitatem judicii.

3 Atque occulto in viris aliquibus magnæ dignitatis, veluti in partibus nobilibus, sedes repererunt: quorum præcipui erant, &c.

1

tremely welcome to the Lady Margaret, who after she had conference with him brought him to the sight of Perkin, with whom he had often speech and discourse. So that in the end, won either by the Duchess to affect or by Perkin to believe, he wrote back into England, that he knew the person of Richard Duke of York as well as he knew his own, and that this young man was undoubtedly he. By this means all things grew prepared to revolt and sedition here, and the conspiracy came to have a correspondence between Flanders and England.2

The King on his part was not asleep. But to arm or levy forces yet, he thought he would but show fear, and do this idol too much worship. Nevertheless the ports he did shut up, or at least kept a watch on them, that none should pass to or fro that was suspected. But for the rest he chose to work by countermine. His purposes were two; the one to lay open the abuse; the other to break the knot of the conspirators. To detect the abuse, there were but two ways; the first to make it manifest to the world that the Duke of York was indeed murdered; the other to prove that (were he dead or alive) yet Perkin was a counterfeit. For the first, thus it stood. There were but four persons that could speak upon knowledge to the murder of the Duke of York; Sir James Tirrell (the employed-man from King Richard), John Dighton and Myles Forrest his servants (the two butchers or tormentors), and the priest of the Tower that buried them; of which four, Myles Forrest and the priest were dead, and there remained alive only Sir James Tirrell and John Dighton. These two the King caused to be committed to the Tower and examined touching the manner of the death of the

The translation has ut conatibus suis faveret. From which it would appear that the word "affect" is used here in its old sense of "to regard with affection;" however its modern sense of "to pretend" may seem to suit the context.

2 i. e. the conspiracy in Flanders and the conspiracy in England came into correspondence. The expression in the Latin is more exact and clear- Hoc modo factum est ut omnia hic in Angliâ ad defectionem et seditionem spectarent; et conjuratio foveri cæpit mutuo tractatu inter Flandriam et Angliam.

Ut conjuratos inter se committeret.

This is not mentioned by any historian who preceded Bacon; and I have not been able to discover his authority for stating that Tirrell and Dighton were examined on the subject at this time. The account of their confession which follows comes no doubt from the history ascribed to Sir Thomas More; who adds, "Very troth is it and well known that at such time as Sir James Tirrell was in the Tower for treason committed against the most famous prince King Henry VII., both Dighton and he were examined and confessed the murder in manner above written." But the time when Tirrell was in the Tower for treason against Henry was many years after, in

two innocent princes. They agreed both in a tale (as the King gave out) to this effect: That King Richard having directed his warrant for the putting of them to death to Brackenbury, the Lieutenant of the Tower, was by him refused; whereupon the King directed his warrant to Sir James Tirrell to receive the keys of the Tower from the lieutenant (for the space of a night) for the King's especial service. That Sir James Tirrell accordingly repaired to the Tower by night, attended by his two servants afore-named, whom he had chosen for the purpose. That himself stood at the stairfoot, and sent these two villains to execute the murder. That they smothered them in their bed; and, that done, called up their master to see their naked bodies dead, which they had laid forth. That they were buried under the stairs, and some stones cast upon them. That when the report was made to

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1502. And there is nothing in More's narrative to make one think that he supposed the confession to have been made at an earlier period. It was a point however in which he might easily be mistaken, (especially if Tirrell repeated at his death the same story which he had told before, as he very likely might), and Bacon may have had sufficient evidence for correcting him. Certainly among the persons arrested at the same time with Tirrell in 1502 there is no mention of Dighton.

But there is a circumstance which makes me suspect that Henry had in fact obtained a confession from Tirrell some time before.

On the 9th of August, 1484, Sir James Tyrrell had received a grant from Richard III. of the stewardship of the Duchy of Cornwall, and on the 13th of September following "a grant of the offices of Sheriff of the Lordship of Wenllouk, and steward of the Lordships of Newport, Wenllouk, Kovoeth-Meredith, Lavenithevery, and Lanthoesant, in Wales and the marches thereof " (see Ninth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Records, App. 94.); and on the 19th of February, 1485-6, he had received from Henry himself a grant for life of the offices of Sheriff of the County of Glamorgan and Margannot, &c. (Cal. Pat. Rolls, i. p. 236.) Two years after however, viz. on the 26th of February, 3 Hen. VII. (i. e. 1487-8), — I find that a commission was granted to certain persons there named, reciting that "in consideration of the services of Sir James Tyrrell, a knight of the King's body, it had been granted to him to be recompensed of the issues of the County of Guysnes in the marches of Calais, in such wise as he holdeth him content; amounting to the value of all the profits of his lands, rents, &c. in Wales, at the beginning of this reign :" which lands were now transferred to the charge of the Commissioners. (Cal. Pat. Rolls, ii. p. 89.) Now it will be remembered that in the interval between Feb. 19, 1485-6 and Feb. 26, 1487-8 had occurred the rebellion of Lambert Symnell, which was suppressed in the summer of 1487; and that Symnell had been originally intended to play the part of Edward Duke of York, one of the murdered princes. This would naturally stir Henry to search out the history of the murder. And if in the course of his inquiries he became acquainted with the part which Tirrell had played in it, he would naturally wish to get him out of England as soon as he could. To punish him for the murder, for which we must suppose that he had obtained from Riehard a full pardon, was probably not in Henry's power; and he may very likely have elicited the confession upon a promise of not harming him; but he would wish to get him out of the way; and for that purpose might offer him an equivalent abroad for what he possessed at home. The story which he told, Henry may with characteristic closeness have kept to himself; till the appearance of Perkin Warbeck in the same character made it expedient to divulge it. And the time when the story was "given out" may have led to an error as to the time when the confession was made.

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King Richard that his will was done, he gave Sir James Tirrell great thanks; but took exception to the place of their burial, being too base for them that were King's children; whereupon another night by the King's warrant renewed, their bodies were removed by the priest of the Tower, and buried by him in some place which (by means of the priest's death soon after) could not be known. Thus much was then delivered abroad, to be the effect of those examinations; but the King nevertheless made no use of them in any of his declarations. Whereby, as it seems, those examinations left the business somewhat perplexed. And as for Sir James Tirrell, he was long after beheaded in the Tower-yard for other matters of treason. But John Dighton, who it seemeth spake best for the King, was forthwith set at liberty, and was the principal means of divulging this tradition. Therefore this kind of proof being left so naked 3, the King used the more diligence in the latter, for the tracing of Perkin. To this purpose he sent abroad into several parts, and especially into Flanders, divers secret and nimble scouts and spies; some feigning themselves to fly over unto Perkin, and to adhere unto him; and some under other pretences to learn, search, and discover all the circumstances and particulars of Perkin's parents, birth, person, travels up and down, and in brief, to have a journal (as it were) of his life and doings; and furnished these his employed-men liberally with money, to draw on and reward intelligences; giving them also in charge, to advertise continually what they found, and nevertheless still to go on. And ever as one advertisement and discovery called up another, he employed other new men, where the business did require it. Others he employed in a more special nature and trust, to be his pioners in the main countermine. These were directed to insinuate themselves into the familiarity

So Ed. 1622. The MS. has "so base."

2 So the MS. The edition of 1622 has "soon after:" an alteration which can hardly have been made by Bacon, because it is inconsistent with his own narrative. But it may very well have been hazarded by a corrector of the press, who thought the context required it.

It must be confessed however that, if "long" be the right reading, the sentence is oddly introduced and hardly to the purpose. And it would rather seem as if Bacon when writing this part of his narrative had been under a wrong impression as to the date of Tirrell's execution, and had made the correction afterwards. This MS. is of earlier date, it is true, than the printed book; but the book may have been printed from another copy in which the correction had not been made.

3

si, e, ill-furnished.

The translation has nudam et jejunam.

4 So MS. Ed. 1622 has "he furnished."

and confidence of the principal persons of the party in Flanders, and so to learn what associates they had and correspondents either here in England or abroad; and how far every one was1 engaged; and what new ones they meant afterwards to try or board: and as this for the persons, so for the actions themselves, to discover to the bottom (as they could) the utmost of Perkin and the conspirators their intentions, hopes, and practices. These latter best betrust spies had some of them further instructions, to practise and draw off the best friends and servants of Perkin, by making remonstrance to them how weakly his enterprise and hopes were built, and with how prudent and potent a King they had to deal; and to reconcile them to the King with promise of pardon and good conditions of reward. And above the rest to assail, sap, and work into the constancy of Sir Robert Clifford, and to win him (if they could), being the man that knew most of their secrets, and who being won away would most appall and discourage the rest, and in a manner break the knot. There is a strange tradition, that the King lost in a wood of suspicions, and not knowing whom to trust, had both intelligence with the confessors and chaplains of divers great men; and for the better credit of his espials abroad with the contrary side, did use to have them cursed at Paul's (by name) amongst the bead-roll of the King's enemies, according to the custom of those times. These spials plied their charge so roundly, as the King had an anatomy of Perkin alive; and was likewise well informed of the particular correspondent conspirators in England, and many other mysteries were revealed; and Sir Robert Clifford in especial won to be assured to the King, and industrious and officious for his service. The King therefore (receiving a rich return of his diligence, and great satisfaction touching a number of particulars, first divulged and spread abroad the imposture and juggling of Perkin's person and travels, with the circumstances thereof, throughout the realm; not by proclamation (because things were yet in examination, and so might receive the more or the less,) but by court-fames, which commonly print better than printed proclamations. Then thought he it also time to send an ambassage unto Archduke Philip into Flanders, for the

So MS. Ed. 1622 omits "was."
Exploratores pro fidelioribus habiti.

2 Tentare et allicere.

So MS. Ed 1622 has "being lost." 5 Secreto egisse ut ex iis de consiliis adversariorum suorum edoceretur.

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