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in the same note that it is intended to set on foot also a blockade of the ports of Virginia and North Carolina.

The undersigned, &c.,
(Signed)

[Inclosure 2 in No. 10.]

LYONS.

PROCLAMATION.

By the President of the United States of America.

Whereas, for reasons assigned in my proclamation of the 19th instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas was ordered to be established;

[10]

*And whereas, since that date public property of the United States has been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in executing the orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held in custody as prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of their official duties without due legal process, by persons claiming to act under authorities of the States of Virginia and North Carolina;

An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be established.j

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington this twenty-seventh day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.

[L. S.]

By the President:
(Signed)

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State.

[Inclosure 3 in No. 10.]

[Extract from an American newspaper, unofficial.]

BLOCKADE OF THE PORTS OF VIRGINIA-OFFICIAL NOTICE SERVED ON THE BAY LINE STEAMERS.-The steamer Louisiana, Captain Russell, from Norfolk, arrived at this port yesterday morning, bringing the United States mails and a number of passengers from the South. The steamer met the Lancaster, Captain Tomlinson, off North Point, and placed on board the passengers who desired to go North.

It was quite dark when the Louisiana reached Fortress Monroe, when Captain Russell was informed by an officer sent in a boat from Commander Prendergrast, of the Cumberland, that the port was in a state of blockade, and that hereafter he would not be permitted to pass up or down the bay.

There were at least ten ships of war anchored off Old Point, all of which were well manned with seamen and troops. The citizens of Norfolk and Portsmouth were still engaged in erecting harbor defenses.

The following is an official copy of the notice of blockade served on Captain Russell: “UNITED STATES FLAG-SHIP CUMBERLAND, OFF FORTRESS MONROE, “Virginia, April 30, 1861.

"To all whom it may concern:

"I hereby call attention to the proclamation of his Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, under date of April 27, 1861, for an efficient blockade of the ports of Virginia and North Carolina, and warn all persons interested that I have a sufficient naval force here for the purpose of carrying out that proclamation. "All vessels passing the capes of Virginia, coming from a distance and ignorant of the proclamation, will be warned off, and those passing Fortress Monroe will be required to anchor under the guns of the fort and subject themselves to an examination. (Signed) "G. J. PRENDERGRAST, “Flag-Officer, Commanding Home Squadron."

The steamer Adelaide, however, left this port on Tuesday evening, with authority' from the Secretary of War to continue her trips to Norfolk, not, however, allowing her to carry anything but passengers and mails. The regular boat also left last evening at her usual hour, and the line will therefore be kept up without interruption.

No. 11.

Lord Lyons to Lord J. Russell.

[Extract.]

WASHINGTON, May 4, 1861. (Received May 21.)

In my dispatch of the 2d instant I had the honor to report to your lordship that Mr. Seward had promised, on the 29th ultimo, to send me a copy of the instructions issued to the officers of the squadron to be employed in blockading the southern ports. «

I took measures this morning to remind Mr. Seward privately of this promise. In return I received the following communication from the State Department:

The Secretary of the Navy has furnished us with a copy of his instructions about the blockade, but as we have not been able to find a precedent for communicating them to the ministers of foreign governments, you must not expect a copy at present. You may, however, be thus informally assured that the blockade will be conducted as strictly according to the recognized rules of public law, and with as much liberality toward neutrals, as any blockade ever was by a belligerent.

Upon this, I caused Mr. Buchanan's note to Mr. Pakenham, of the 29th of December, 1846, to be pointed out to Mr. Seward as supplying a precedent for the confidential communication of instructions concerning a blockade.

The following was written to me in answer:

I have shown Mr. Seward the precedent to which you refer, but he does not [11] think it would *justify him in furnishing a copy of the instructions; for, if given to one, they must be given to all, which might lead to their inconvenient publicity. The blockade, however, will be in strict conformity to the principles mentioned by Mr. Buchanan. The proclamation is mere notice of an intention to carry it into effect, and the existence of the blockade will be made known in proper form by the the blockading vessels.

I had, of course, no other right to ask Mr. Seward for a copy of the instructions than that which he had given me by promising to send me one, in order to remove any unfavorable impression which might be made in Europe by the vagueness of the information given by the United States Government.

I have the honor to transmit to your lordship copies of a note addressed by Mr. Seward to the Spanish minister here; and of an article inserted in the Washington newspaper which is regarded as the organ of the administration. These documents appear to contain all the positive information which has hitherto been elicited concerning the mode in which the blockade will be conducted.

I have been informed, but not directly or officially, that in no case will less than fifteen days from the effective establishment of the blockade at each point be allowed for merchant-vessels already in port to take their departure, and that the effective blockade of the mouths of the Mississippi will not be begun until the 25th of this month.

[Inclosure in No. 11.]

Mr. Seward to Señor Tassara.

WASHINGTON, May 2, 1861.

SIR: In acknowledging the receipt of your note of the 30th ultimo, on the subject of the blockade of the ports in several of the States, I deem it proper to state, for your further information

1. That the blockade will be strictly enforced upon the principles recognized by the law of nations.

2. That armed vessels of neutral States will have the right to enter and depart from the interdicted ports.

3. That merchant-vessels in port at the time the blockade took effect will be allowed a reasonable time for their departure.

I avail, &c.,
(Signed)

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

No. 12.

Lord Lyons to Lord J. Russell.

WASHINGTON, May 2, 1861. (Received May 17.)

MY LORD: Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State of the United States, sent for me yesterday to the State Department, and told me that he had reason to believe that an iron steamer, the Peerless, had been sold to the de-facto southern government, and was on her way out of Lake Ontario to be used as a privateer. He read me a part of a telegram which stated that the vessel was still at Toronto, and that it was believed she carried the British flag, and had regular British papers.

Mr. Seward proceeded to suggest that perhaps the governor-general of Canada might be induced to detain the vessel. I said, somewhat doubtfully, that if her papers were in order, and there was no direct proof of her being actually engaged in any unlawful enterprise, the governor general might not have legal power to interfere with her. Mr. Seward replied that that might very well be; and, without further allusion to the Canadian authorities, proceeded to read to me a draught of a telegraphic order to the naval officers of the United States to seize the Peerless "under any flag and with any papers," if they had probable information that she had been sold to the southern insurgents. He went on to say, "I suppose you will hardly assent to this."

I replied that, far from assenting, I most positively dissented.

Mr. Seward said that if the seizure was effected, it would be upon the responsibility of this Government, who would be prepared for all the consequences which it might entail. He added, however, that the order had not yet been sanctioned by the President; that he was about to go to the Executive Mansion to attend a cabinet council, and that he would inform me of the decision which should be come to.

I said to Mr. Seward, "I not only dissent, but I solemnly protest, as Her Majesty's minister, against any attempt to seize a vessel under the British flag, and with regular British papers."

I was very much grieved, not so much at the particular fact, though that appeared to me very serious, as at the arrogant spirit and disregard of the rights and feelings of foreign nations with which the American Government seemed to be disposed to conduct the civil war in which they were about to engage. I was most anxious to do all that I could to impress upon Mr. Seward, at the outset, the impolicy and danger of the course upon which he seemed determined to enter. I particularly reminded him of the extreme susceptibility which had at all times been manifested by the Americans themselves on the subject of any interference with vessels under their own flag. I said that even if the Peerless should in fact be sold to the seceded States, she could never cause the United States anything like the inconvenience which would follow a deliberate violation of neutral rights. I concluded by repeating my protest.

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Mr. Seward said little more in reply than that he would give [12] due weight to the protest, and that *nothing would be done without the sanction of the President, whom he was about to see at a cabinet council.

I said to Mr. Seward that I begged that, when he submitted the proposed order to the President, he would distinctly say that the British -minister solemnly protested against it. This Mr. Seward promised to do. Seeing that he was evidently anxious to go to the President's house without further delay, I took my leave, merely observing that I should probably feel it my duty to address him in writing on the subject.

As soon as I got home I wrote a note to Mr. Seward, repeating my protest. I sent it to the State Department by Mr. Irvine, Her Majesty's secretary of legation. Mr. Seward had already left the Department, but Mr. Irvine delivered my note to the Assistant Secretary of State, who promised to send it in to the cabinet council which was sitting at the President's house.

In the evening, Mr. Seward sent me a note informing me that, notwithstanding my protest, the orders had been issued. I felt it my duty to reply by a note maintaining and repeating the protest.

I have the honor to inclose copies of the notes above mentioned. I send to-day to the governor-general copies of the inclosures in this dispatch.

I have, &c.,
(Signed)

LYONS.

[Inclosure 1 in No. 12.]

Lord Lyons to Mr. Seward.

WASHINGTON, May 1, 1861.

SIR: You have just done me the honor to inform me verbally that you had under consideration the propriety of issuing orders to the United States naval forces to seize a vessel under British colors and with regular papers, under the suspicion that she had been purchased, for unlawful purposes, by parties in the Southern States.

I at once stated to you several times, and as emphatically as I could, that I solemnly protested against any such seizure. You were good enough to assure me that you would take note of the protest. I think it, however, necessary, in order to cover my own responsibility, to record in writing, without a moment's delay, that a solemn protest was made by Her Britannic Majesty's minister against such orders before they were issued. I have, &c., (Signed)

LYONS.

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MY LORD: The so-called Confederate States have waged an insurrectionary war against this Government. They are buying, and even seizing vessels in several places, for the purpose of furnishing themselves with a naval force, and they are issuing letters of marque to privateers to be employed in preying upon the commerce of this country.

You are aware that the President has proclaimed a blockade of the ports included within the insurgent States. All these circumstances are known to the world.

The President this morning received information, believed to be authentic, that the iron steamer Peerless is in the hands of the enemy on her way out of Lake Ontario, and that she has regular British papers.

Thereupon I did myself the honor to solicit an interview with you. In that interview I suggested that it would be agreeable to the President if the governor-general of Canada, with or under instructions from you, would direct the vessel to be detained. You did not think that such directions could be given in view of the uncertainties that hang over the matter. I replied that certainly, under the circumstances, this Government could not require such directions. I further stated, however, that the Government could not tolerate the fitting out and delivery of piratical vessels on the St. Lawrence, and that I should direct the Peerless to be seized and detained if the United States forces should have reliable information that she has been sold, or contracted to be sold, and has been delivered, or is to be delivered to the insurgents, to be used against the United States, under whatever flag or papers she may bear, and that the parties affected should be referred to this Government.

You thereupon verbally protested, unequivocally, and without reservation, as your note of this date, now just received, affirms.

I have, nevertheless, and notwithstanding your lordship's protest, given conditional' directions for the seizure of the Peerless, in the following words:

"To commanders of naval or other forces of the United States:

"If you have reliable information that the Peerless has been sold, or contracted for, and has been delivered, or is to be delivered to the insurgents to be used against the United States, seize and bring her into port, and detain her there, under whatever flag or papers she may bear, and refer the parties to this Government."

I hardly need to add that this proceeding is taken with no feelings of hostility against the government of Great Britain. The President feels satisfied that Her Majesty's government will not think the seizure unnecessary, or unwarrantable, or injurious, if the information upon which it proceeds shall prove to be correct; and, on the other hand, if it shall prove to be incorrect, full satisfaction will be *promptly given [13] to the government of Her Majesty and the parties aggrieved. The British government will be satisfied that such proceedings are sometimes indispensable when a flag is abused to cover aggressions upon a friendly nation.

I have, &c.,
(Signed)

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

[Inclosure 3 in No. 12.]

Lord Lyons to Mr. Seward.

WASHINGTON, May 1, 1861.

SIR: I learn with deep regret, from a note which I have just had the honor to receive from you, that the Government of the United States have given orders to the commanders of its forces to seize a vessel and bring her into port, and detain her there, "under whatever flag or whatever papers she may bear."

So far as the British flag and British papers may be affected by this measure, I must, as Her Britannic Majesty's minister, maintain and repeat the protest which I made to you, both by word of mouth and by written note, before the orders were issued.

I have, &c.,
(Signed)

LYONS.

ACTS PASSED BY THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATE

STATES.
No. 13.

AN ACT recognizing the existence of war between the United States and the Confederate States, and concerning letters of marque, prizes, and prize-money.

Whereas the earnest efforts made by this government to establish friendly relations between the Government of the United States and the Confederate States, and to settle all questions of disagreement between the two governments upon principles of right, justice, equity, and good faith, have proved unavailing, by reason of the refusal of the Government of the United States to hold any intercourse with the commissioners appointed by this government for the purposes aforesaid, or to

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