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then, the exclusion of slavery an exclusion of the slaveholder, the exclusion of the slaveholder would not by consequence be an exclusion of the South.

3. The reasoning of Dr. Thornwell would irresistibly restore slavery to the free states. He asserts without restriction “ that the Constitution recognizes slaves as property.” He demands “upon what principle shall Congress undertake to abolish this right upon a territory of which it is the local legislator? It will not permit the slave to cancel it because the service is due. Upon what ground can itself interpose between a man and his dues ?” Now, certainly, if the right of property intrinsically in the slave be thus established by the Constitution, no state can abrogate that property without violating the Constitution of the United States. If Congress, in its character of legislature of a territory, cannot abrogate that right of property, much less can the legislature of any state. A large body of slaveholders, therefore, with a caravan of their living chattels, may march into New York state, re-establish slavery, and no state law can touch their ownership. And we solemnly repeat, that had another national victory been won by the great proslavery party of this country, this argument would never have been left a mere abstraction. The same Supreme Court that, with such indecent haste, proclaimed its extra-judicial dicta in the Dred Scott case, would soon announce from the national capital that all laws heretofore passed abolishing slavery are violations of the national Constitution.

4. The injustice of erecting new slave states without the full consent of the free states, is demonstrated from the fact to which we have already referred, that the representation of slavery constitutes the slaveholder a privileged caste. The great injustice of this representation, since it is in the Constitution, may be suffered while confined to the present slave states. But when new states are created, the oligarchic interest is strengthened oppressively to the free states and dangerous to the republic. It is absurd to expect of the free states any increase of slave states on a basis by which themselves are reduced to vassalage.

5. No principle of law is better established than that property destructive to the public good is bound to diminish and disappear. Its circulation, diffusion, extension, are rightfully prohibited. If it blast the soil, destroy the health, or demoralize the character of the community, the law justly abates the nuisance. And now, if there be any truth in history, any reliance upon statistics, any respect due to the voice of the civilized world, any validity in the axioms of the moral sense, all these evils are chargeable upon the institution of slavery. Acting, then, from his own views of duty, the intelligent northern freeman is compelled by the obligations of conscience so to exercise his franchises as a citizen, as to rescue the virgin soil of the free West from an institution that shall blast it with a curse for untold ages.

6. The claim of Dr. Thornwell that slaves are to be held “just like any other property," and so transferable to free soil, in order to be valid, must be consistent. The claim must be grounded upon the universality of the maxim we quote. It is a hard maxim, degrading to humanity, and contrary to the humane spirit of modern law, that person-property has no more tendency to ascend to personality than brute-property or thing-property. But the slaveholder himself, when it comes to the matter of government representation, to constitutional interpretation, and to remanding fugitives, is obliged to claim that the slave shall not be “like any other property.” Thing-property is not represented; it is not a “person" in the text of the Constitution; it is never to be restored to the owner by national authority when it escapes. In all these respects slaves are, by the slaveholder's own claim, not “like any other property." By this triple contradiction the slaveholder destroys the validity of his own maxim. He claims that the slave shall rise to person and sink to thing, arbitrarily and contradictorily, as his own interests, and not the interests of humanity, shall demand.

7. The extension of slavery is the perpetuation of slavery. This with Dr. Thornwell is an argument in favor of such extension; with us, against it. We know that but a brief period has elapsed, since the northern pro-slavery sophists have told us that to extend slavery was only to diffuse and rather weaken it than strengthen and perpetuate it. But Dr. Thornwell and the slaveholders know better. They know that the system, to live, must devour the soil it occupies, and sweep in devastation over new territory. Then the old section becomes slave-breeding, and the new slave-consuming. But circumscribe its area and the system gives way to free industry.

Identifying slavery as well as the slaveholder with the South, Dr. Thornwell characterizes the cessation of slavery as the destruction of the South. This self-deception by use of words and phrases is at the present time maddening the southern mind. But surely slavery is not the South. The slaveholders are but a minority of the South; slavery but an institution in the South. The South


could not only survive slavery, but rise from its cessation to a diversified industry, a vaster wealth, a more liberal education, a higher civilization, a prouder position in the respect of the civilized world. The enemy of ery, we are the friend of the Sonth. It is not from the destruction or the injury, but from the higher prosperity of the South that there would arise, as we believe, a higher prosperity for the North and a higher happiness to the whole.

Dr. Thornwell expresses the hope that, as the Union can never be restored, still peace may be preserved, and that two great republics may develop their different civilizations in common alliance against any attacks from foreign nations. We expressed in a former number of our Quarterly the wish that this peace might be preserved. To us war and slavery are twin evils. May God deliver both sections of our land from both. Nevertheless, the South in separation can never expect that slave-catching will remain the ex-officio duty of northern citizenship. No aid can be expected from northern arms to maintain oppression. No slavery can be permitted to set its foot in the western domain; no fillibuster or foreign conquest can be allowed to enlarge the slave empire. The scorpion must still be girt with fire, and his first and last good act must be suicide. The dismal prospect before the seceding states now appears to be, that not only will they fail in their visions of ruining northern commerce, but that they will forfeit the control of the market of the world for their sole staple, and, by losing the adhesion of the Border States, collapse in their schemes of southern empire. What can be expected from the seven petty cotton oligarchies on the Gulf but the adding a new force to the meaning of the word failure ?

But it is our purpose merely to defend the rightfulness of our past and present position, not to lay out a programme for the future. With the extreme states lies the responsibility for all the evils of disunion, and most of the misdoings that have prepared its way. Our view of the future is cheerful and trusting, trusting in that Providence that smiles upon its own cause.

Even disunion has its compensations. It will make us what we have never yet been, fully and consistently a FREE nation. Countless will be the blessings of a full emancipation from the dread evils not only of slavery domination but of union with slaveholders. That disunion will hasten the downfall of slavery, and perhaps a reconstruction on a free basis. We are thankful that our national government and capital are rescued from the hands of traitors. Our hope and

trust is that it is a Providential hand that has placed at our helm the firmness, integrity, and natural statesmanship of Abraham Lincoln. Surrounded with a cabinet of rare ability, and standing

. as the impersonation of our national welfare, we rejoice that he exhibits those traits that concentrate popular sympathy, and be lieve that a rally to his firm support will in due time be held a test of patriotism.




the satisfaction to see two of their friends,

(Revs. Messrs. Cheyne and Neal,) who THE PROTESTANT CHURCHES. — The by their advanced Tractarian principles agitation which has sprung up in the had drawn upon themselves the disfavor Church of England in consequence of and the censure of their diocesans, rethe publication of the Rationalistic Es- stored to their ecclesiastical functions. says and Reviews, is still on the in. The ranks of the High Churchmen them

The work itself was issued selves, however, are divided by a split in Febuary, 1861, by the greatest pub- which is daily widening. The organ of lishing house of England, in a fifth the extreme Romanizing portion, the edition, and one of the seven authors Union, has become so openly and defi(the “ Septem contra Christum ") has | antly Popish, that the better elements since been elected to the influential posi- recoil from what it advocates as the tion of rector of one of the Oxford col- ultimate end of High Churchism. leges. This seems to indicate that the While the Church of England is rent party has gained some strength among within by this Rationalistic controversy, the clergy and literary classes; but a struggle ng less fierce awaits her on already the evangelical element in the the political arena. The Dissenters are Church has become aroused. Petitions not discouraged by the defeats which are numerously signed, praying the bish- the motions for an abolition of the Church ops to arrest the spreading of the heret. rate has hitherto met with in one or both ical movement; even the powerless Con- | houses of the English Parliament, but vocation is appealed to for effective have been making more energetical measures. In some places the Evangel- efforts than ever before for obtaining ical party and the High Churchmen from Parliament at least a first installhave united to combat the intrusion of ment of their abolition. Many liberal Rationalism the more successfully, and Churchmen are fighting in this question some of the bishops, at least, have de- by the side of the Dissenters against the clared their intention not to ordain any great prerogative of the state Church; alcandidate who is infected with the neo- though, to the great regret and astonishlogical views. This rise of Rationalism ment of the friends of ecclesiastical indemay have contributed somewhat to an pendence, the Record, the leading organ of abatement of the controversy between the Evangelical party in the Established the Evangelical party and the High Church, uses its great influence for the Churchmen. In the diocese of London, preservation of the rate.

The support it is true, the irritation of the Tractarian of Mr. Disraeli, who has tacked the clergy and their friends against the bish- unconditional advocacy of the existing op for his vigorous opposition to their Church rates to the platform of the Tory Romanizing innovations has not abated, party, promises to be of less, if of any, and the bishop has even been threatened service to the cause, as it will tend to with legal proceedings. But in other enlist the sympathies of the Liberal party, places a reconciliation seems to be aimed to an even larger extent than before, in at, and the High Church party bave had | favor of abolition. It is even believed missions. the day should be selected as the most


that Mr. Disraeli's plan will give a new ness, so as to enable themselves and impetus to the endeavors of those who | their employes to attend divine service demand the abolition not only of Church in their respective places of worship rates, but of all official connection be- / during the day, and to join in the union tween the established Church and the meetings in the evening. In Glasgow, State. Thus, for example, the Spectator and some other towns, where the magisremarks: “Let Mr. Disraeli induce the trates declined to make a similar recomclergy to back his scheme, and he and mendation, the chief object of the holi. they will probably see a liberal reaction, day was secured by agreement of the which will not stop short at Church rates leading citizens to close their places of if once aroused by the spectacle of a business at an early hour. In the union body of ministers of Christ working meetings in the evening, representatives day and night to secure the continued of the following denominations took part: existence of a compulsory Church rate." Established Church, Free Church, United The sympathy of public opinion with Presbyterian Church, English Episcopal the abolitionists has even induced a Church, Congregationalists, Wesleyans, zealous High Churchman, Mr. Hubbard, Baptists, Reformed Presbyterian Church, to prepare for the session of Parlia- Original Secession Church, and the Evanment, which commenced on February gelical Union. 4, a compromise measure. He warns the clergy not to believe that which they THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.—The are now so forward to declare, that there statistics of the Roman Church in Enis any such change of public feeling as gland and Scotland, published in the will enable the Church to resist all attacks Almanac for 1861, show an extraordiupon these rates. And the Guardian, a nary increase in the number of priests, High Church organ, thinks that if no churches, and convents. A comparison, such compromise is now adopted, the however, with other statistical docuopportunity of saving part of the rate for ments, such as the official registers of the Church may pass away forever. marriages, leaves no doubt that the

Scotland is kept in a lively agitation membership has faile to keep pace by the progress of the Cardross case, the with this increase, if it has not actually nature and history of which have been

decreased. In Ireland the number of fully recorded in former numbers of our Roman Catholics is believed by the best Review. The dissenting denominations authorities to be steadily on the decrease, of Scotland support, as it appears, with

and amounts at present, accordiog to a entire unanimity, the right of the Free calculation of the Irish Times

, to 3,450,000 Church of Scotland to execute against souls in a total population of 5,950,000. its ministers the ecclesiastical decrees of On the other hand, it is believed that Dr. the General Assembly. The course of Cullen, the ultramontane Archbishop of the government, on the other hand, has Dublin, has succeeded in bringing the the approval of the Congregationalists of priesthood of Ireland generally into a subEngland, and as the London Patriot says, serviency to the Pope and the hierarchy, of quite a number of the provincial press

such as would have been ridiculed as imof Scotland.

possible in the early part of this century. A third series of commemoration sery. The success of the Papal tribute, and the ices in bonor of the Scotch Reformation thousands who were secretly drafted off took place on December 20, the three for service in the Papal brigade, are hundredth anniversary of the meeting of regarded as significant signs of a revived the first General Assembly of the Church vitality in Irish Romanism, and so are of Scotland. This meeting may be said the vast numbers of chapels, convents, to have completed the “First Reforma- nunneries, orders of lay brethren, and tion" of Scotland, and it was natural the remarkable and universal hostility to that the three hundreth anniversary of

GERMANY. fitting occasion for a grand, united demonstration. Throughout the length and THE PROTESTANT CHURCHES.--The breadth of the land the day was observed new year has opened in Germany with 28 a half holiday. The magistrates of a considerable increase in the influence Edinburgh, Ayr, Greenock, Perth, and of Rationalism on the government of other considerable towns, recommended several state Churches. In Baden, the citizens to close their places of busi- | where, for several years, the learned


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