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this fact, together with the masculine energy | rages with such terrible activity, that it is conof his eloquence and character, that procured for him the title of "the Lion of the Fold of Juda" from O'Connell. On the death of Dr. Kelly he was promoted to the archiepiscopal see of Tuam. In his new position he continued to issue public pronouncements at intervals on such questions as "church establishment," "education," and the like. All his letters up to 1847 have been collected into one volume. Some sermons which were preached in Ireland, England, and Italy have been translated into Italian by the Abate de Lucca, apostolic nuncio at Vienna. He is also the author of a work published in 1827 entitled Evidences and Doctrines of the Catholic Church. Another department of literature to which he has devoted a large amount of time, and in which he has accomplished great things, is the attempt to revive an interest in the Irish language and literature. He has published translations into Irish of more than sixty of Moore's melodies in the same metre as the original, and in 1861 he produced a large octavo volume containing six books of the Iliad in an Irish translation. He has also published translations into the Celtic tongue of several portions of the Bible.]

signing to the grave its daily victims. The one was the studied essay of a popular candidate for the distinctions of office-the other was the cold and conventional language which was borrowed from the political ritual of preceding prime ministers. It was on the buoyant hopes inspired by the language of the first, your lordship was borne to your present responsible position; and should you persevere in a line of policy, towards a suffering nation, accordant with the cold-hearted sentiments contained in your second letter, it requires no extraordinary prescience to predict that it will assuredly prove the precursor of your political fall.

By one of those awful calamities with which Providence sometimes visits states and nations, five millions of people, forming an integral portion of a flourishing and mighty empire, are entirely deprived of food, and consigned to all the horrors of famine. The prime minister is naturally and rightfully appealed to, to relieve the suffering part with an equitable application of the wealth of the entire body, and he replies to them, to look to themselves, and rely on their own resources. Selfreliance is a fine theme when sufficient for any crisis; but to tell a people to supply themselves with food, when both food and means of pro

AN IRISH PARLIAMENT AND AN IRISH curing it are gone, appears like the requisition



of the Hebrews to make bricks without materials. And does your lordship, too, advocate, by this singular letter, the nullity of the im

St. Jarlath's, Tuam, December 15, 1846.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL. perial union? For forty-six years the people of Ireland have been feeding those of England with the choicest produce of their agriculture and pasture; and while they thus exported their wheat and their beef in profusion, their each successive year, until the mass of the own food became gradually deteriorated in peasantry was exclusively thrown on the potato. New improvements in agriculture were projected-scientific reforms in the rearing and feeding of cattle were discussed and adopted; but to the mass of the people the practical fruit of those improvements was a fresh interdict of the use of flesh-meat or of flour, and a further extension of the dominion of a less nutritive kind of that same vegetable, to the exclusive use of which they were inexorably doomed!

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"Dignus imperio si non imperasset.”—Tacitus.-"Had he not the misfortune to rule, he would have been deemed deserv

ing of empire.")

My Lord-This sententious contrast between the hopes of the aspiring Cæsar and the disappointment inflicted by the reigning emperor, is but too applicable to those statesmen whose talents, so hopeful in opposition, seem to be blighted on their attainment of political power. Within the brief interval of twelve months, two remark le letters have appeared, bearing your lordship's signature. The one boldly promulgated the sound doctrine of free trade, and expressed a generous sympathy with the destitution of the Irish people, which was but light, compared to the famine with which they are now afflicted. The other was so chilling, as to have filled those with despair whom it would have been wisdom to console-among whom hunger now 1 By permission of the author.

No matter-a cry of Irish prosperity was raised by those who were enabled to subject the growers of corn to the uniform consumption of an inferior quality of food; and the same cry was re-echoed from the shores of

England, gladdened with the abundance with | it was certain, if the prudence and stock were which its inhabitants were supplied, careless fourfold, the millions of the people, irrevocably of the misery of which that abundance was doomed to the potato, would be equally deproductive in Ireland, and losing sight alto- barred from their participation. gether of the dietary destitution which, dur- At length their cries have reached to heaven; ing the spring and summer months, its people and He who has created the poor and the rich were uniformly fated to endure. The English has answered: "Now I will hear; the time legislature was not ungrateful to the Irish of retribution is come; vengeance is already landlords for those exporting services, so bene- sweeping the land," verifying the words of ficial to the English population, and in return the inspired writings: "By reason of the for the increased quantity of the nobler food, misery of the needy, and the groans of the which alone they would condescend to make poor, now will I arise, saith the Lord." In a use of, it furnished them with facilities of great national chastisement all must in some seizure of crops and ejectment of tenantry degree be involved; and though many of the never known before the Union; so that if any poor are made victims, perhaps from their of the peasantry should become too fastidious want of due resignation, and to teach them for the use of potatoes, or aspire to the inter- that there can be still deeper misery than that dicted food of flesh-meat or flour, destined to which they endured, the entire destruction of swell the rent-rolls of the one, and feed the the potato crop reads an awful lesson of the petted population of the other, they were sure cruelty of which that aliment has been made to be summarily driven from their tenements, the instrument. It was intended by the Alfor not raising further food for export, and mighty as a valuable adjunct of human susreproached with utter ignorance of the very tenance to his creatures-it has been abused elements of agriculture. On the expulsion of by man as an instrument of rapacious wealth— the tenantry to the skirtings of the moor, cattle- of dire oppression, and of national degradashows became all the rage in Ireland, and tion. Its destruction shows what some seemed meetings were held to witness and applaud ignorant of that the interests of all are identhe successful zeal with which Irish graziers tified; that one class cannot permanently could supply with still larger quantities of flourish, and another be abandoned to decay, beef, and pork, and mutton, the increasing and that the people cannot be pushed to the demands of the English people. The animals verge of starvation, without landlords and were exhibited-not such an exhibition, how-rulers sharing in all the perils of their position. The perishing potato is the most formidable agitator, the oppressors of the people had ever yet to wrestle with. But though the transition to the full harvest will be severe, it will become in the hands of Providence, that caused the decay, the fructifying seed of our national regeneration.

ever, as when the animals passed in review before him, who was constituted by their common Creator, the owner of the earth, as well as all its animal productions. In these exhibitions this order appeared reversed, and whilst the neglected condition of the poor peasantry showed the estimation in which they were held, the unnatural dimensions of those pampered brutes would indicate that they were looked on as the beings which shared, to the greatest extent, the kindred sympathies of their owners. Such, with a few benevolent exceptions, was the spirit that guided those cattle exhibitions.

Such is now the frightful state of this country, brought on, as it were, by a systematic collusion between the Irish landlords and the English legislature, and to which Ireland never would have been reduced, had she the protection of a native parliament. The famine has not, it is true, directly sprung from the Union. But severe as it is, it would not be so fatal, if Ireland had not been rendered too feeble to cope with the calamity, by the emaciating process to which it had been previously subjected. In the year 1800, the first year of the disastrous Union, the potatoes sold for 18d. a stone, and meal brought even a larger price than it is now sold for. Yet there was no starvation in Ireland, nor any necessity to appeal for relief to the imperial exchequer. only wants of Ireland; at the same time that | No; because the constitution of the country

As long as the people of Ireland were thus draining it of its necessary food into England, and enriching the landed proprietors with its price, the blessings of the Union became a theme of their joint commendation. Any allusion to the solicitude which an Irish parliament would naturally exhibit for the Irish people, was treated as a topic that indicated folly or sedition. More produce and finer stock, according to these speculators in money, were the

was yet sound. It was not exhausted by the unprecedented plenty and prosperity? Where drainage of near half a century; and the vita- are their fruits now to meet the present exility and vigour which it received from the gency? The temperate habits of the people free-trade of 1782, not only sustained it through refute the slander that they were improvithat trying crisis, but were felt to a far remoter dently wasted. No: the fruits of the first period. Let any dispassionate person contrast seasons were forced from the tenantry in lieu those two years the people during the former of the arrears which preceding years of discalamity sustaining themselves, notwithstand-tress had accumulated; and allow me to tell you, that though, in all equity, the loss of a crop should be proportionably sustained by the proprietor and the tenant, there is not a farthing of arrears which might grow during the famine, that would not hang over the poor tenants, even for ten years, to be rigorously exacted, when Heaven might bless them with a more plentiful harvest.

ing the pressure of higher prices-and the people now as feeble and powerless as children, faltering on the public ways, and many of them sinking beneath a lighter scourge and he must come to the conclusion, that the only safety for the Irish people is the restoration of their own legislature. Had we not, preceding this disaster, three or four seasons of


[Sir Joseph Napier is the youngest son of | Frederick Shaw the seat for Dublin UniverWilliam Napier, a descendant of the Merchis-sity. He was defeated, but was elected on ton branch of the Napier family, and was born the resignation of Sir Frederick in the followat Belfast in December, 1804. In youth he ing year. For a long period he took a prohad the advantage of several able teachers, minent part in discussing the more important one of these being the afterwards famous questions before the House of Commons, always dramatist J. Sheridan Knowles. He entered supporting the Conservative party. This supTrinity College in 1820, and his undergra- port received recognition on Lord Derby's acduate career was remarkable for proficiency in cession to office in 1852, when he was appointed classics. In 1825 he graduated B.A., and at attorney-general for Ireland, and held the first intended to read for a fellowship, but office until the fall of his chief. When Lord he afterwards resolved to devote himself to the Derby came into power a second time in 1858, profession of the law. During his stay at Mr. Napier received still higher distinction, college he took part in reviving the old His- being promoted to the post of Irish lord-chantorical Society, one of his colleagues in this cellor, which he held till his party left office work being Chief-justice Whiteside. Many the following year. In 1867 Lord Derby again years after (in 1856) Mr. Napier was chosen showed his appreciation of Mr. Napier's abipresident of the society. After a time spent lities and public services by creating him a in London qualifying himself more fully for baronet. In the same year he became vicehis profession, he returned to his native country chancellor of Trinity College, Dublin, and in and became a member of the Irish bar. In 1868 was made privy-councillor of Great Bri1831 he was called, and before long became tain, being shortly afterwards constituted a one of the most sought-after juniors. In 1843 member of the judicial committee of the privyhe made his appearance before the House of council. He also bears the honorary degrees Lords, in the once celebrated appeal case of of LL.D. of Dublin University and D.C.L. of Samuel Gray, which involved the accused's Oxford. right of challenging a juror, and he succeeded in having the conviction of his client reversed. On his return to Ireland he was made a Q.C., and for many years afterwards was employed in most of the cases of importance that were appealed for final decision to the House of Lords.

The labours of his profession have not prevented Sir Joseph Napier from taking a large share in various important public movements. He has been twice elected president of the jurisprudence section of the Social Science Association, and in connection therewith has published several able addresses on law re

In 1847 Mr. Napier contested with Sir form. After the Irish disestablishment act



was passed he took an active part in the reconstruction of the Church. Amongst his literary productions we may notice, Lectures on "The Increase of Knowledge," "Richard Baxter and his Times," "Edmund Burke" (from which we quote), "Facts and Fallacies of the Sabbath Question," "Things New and Old," a pamphlet on "The Education Question," "Lectures on Butler's Analogy," besides many others.]


Notwithstanding the honourable motives, the wise and liberal policy of the Rockingham cabinet, the ambition of Pitt and the intrigues of the mercenaries of the court party brought about another change of administration. The Duke of Grafton, who had served with Lord Rockingham, was the nominal chief of a new cabinet on a plan arranged by Pitt, who was now made lord privy-seal and Earl of Chatham. In a small publication entitled A Short Account of a Short Administration, Burke placed before the public a summary of the measures which had been carried by the Rockingham party in the year and twenty days in which they held office.

The marquis was desirous to get employment for Burke in the new administration; and the Duke of Grafton strongly urged Pitt, now Lord Chatham, to seek the services of Burke. The duke said that he had the means of knowing his integrity-that he might thoroughly be trusted. And in a letter of October 17, 1774, to Lord Chatham, he says; "Of those whom I should wish, and Mr. Conway also wishes, to see to support him is Mr. Burke, the readiest man upon all points, perhaps, in the whole house." Lord Chatham replied: "The gentleman your grace points out as a necessary recruit, I think a man of parts and an ingenious speaker. As to his notions and maxims of trade, they never can be mine." He had promised the first open place at the board of trade to Lord Lisburne there was no room for the Irish commoner-the young Irishman of whom General Lee had then written to the Prince Royal of Poland, that he "had astonished everybody by the power of his eloquence, and his comprehensive knowledge in all our exterior and internal politics and commercial interests. He wants nothing but that sort of dignity annexed to rank and

property in England to make him the most considerable man in the lower house." He was distanced by Lord Lisburne. Chatham, who in the House of Commons had congratulated Burke on his first success, and his friends on the value of the acquisition they had made (as we learn from the excellent Earl of Charlemont), Chatham, at this crisis of the American question, turned aside from Burke as a basilisk. With a view to complete a job for his brother-in-law, James Grenville, he made Charles Townsend his chancellor of the exchequer Townsend, whose character Burke has so inimitably sketched-who treated Chatham's distinction of internal and external taxation as simply ridiculous, but pledged himself to find a revenue nearly sufficient to meet the expense properly required for the colonies. And of this Chatham was apprised. Despising the wisdom of Burke, and enduring the folly of Townsend, Chatham and his composite cabinet, which Burke had painted in colours that have not yet faded, inaugurated a system of taxation affecting British manufactures, and therefore not properly within trade regulations; duties were imposed and to be collected in America, in a way which marked their imperial origin and purpose; thus inflicting indirectly on the colonies, against the soundest principles of commercial policy, what Chatham had so strenuously contended to be against the constitutional right directly to impose. With such a ministry Burke could have no communion.

He had been one of a party with a creed of enlightened policy, and a purpose of promoting the best interests of England. He was comparatively a poor man, he had not the influence of social position, but he had so far won his way by the self-elevating power of industry and virtue, under the blessing and guidance of God. His nature was earnest and artless, he had not the finesse that is often miscalled sagacity, nor the cunning which (as Bacon says) is but the counterfeit of wisdom. Lord Charlemont has described him as amiable and excellent, but sometimes allowing his zeal to carry him beyond the bounds of prudence. Horace Walpole says, that of all the eminent men he ever met, Burke had the least political art. This exactly squares with what we might collect from his own admissions. He had no reserve-no kind of concealment—whatever the subject was he poured forth the affluence of his thoughts and feelings. Sir Philip Francis happily remarked, "You always see both the best and the worst of him."




[Mr. Godkin's book, The Land-war in Ireland, gives several most interesting pictures of the social condition of the country at different periods. Many of his descriptions will convey information that will be novel even to Irishmen. From the extract, for instance, which follows, it will be seen that during part of the eighteenth century what we are accus


[This gentleman, who holds a pension for | tomed to regard as the prosperous North was "literary merit" from the state, was born in really the poorest part of Ireland. It will be the year 1806, at Gorey, county Wexford. He also observed that the perpetual struggle bebegan life as a Dissenting minister in Armagh, tween the landlord and the tenant went on at and was a missionary in connection with the that period quite as fiercely when the two Irish Evangelical Society. In consequence of classes were of the same, as when they were having written a prize essay on Federalism, of different creeds.] entitled "The Rights of Ireland," this connection ceased, and he then turned his attention to journalism. In the year 1847 he found himself in London, and became the correspondent of several Irish and Scotch papers, besides contributing to several magazines. Returning to Ireland he established in Belfast the Christian Patriot. He afterwards became editor of the Derry Standard, and then removing to the capital, he for several years held the chief post on the Daily Express. While engaged on this paper he acted as the Dublin correspondent of the Times. It may here be remarked that his letters to this journal were remarkable for their keen and comprehensive knowledge of Irish affairs. He is the author of Ireland and her Churches, The Land-War in Ireland, The Religious History of Ireland, &c. The second of these works is a most interesting compilation of all that has been written on the much-vexed question of the relations between the owners and the tillers of the soil in Ireland. Some of his writings on ecclesiastical and land questions had a large influence in bringing about the disestablishment of the Irish Church and the new Lands Acts. We may also mention that early in life Mr. Godkin wrote several controversial works.]

1 By permission of Messrs. Macmillan & Co.

Let us then endeavour to get rid of the pernicious delusions about race and religion in dealing with this Irish land question. Identity of race and substantial agreement in religion did not prevent the Ulster landlords from uprooting their tenants when they fancied it was their interest to banish them—to substitute grazing for tillage, and cattle for a most industrious and orderly peasantry.

The letters of Primate Boulter contain much valuable information on the state of Ulster in the last century, and furnish apt illustrations of the land question, which, I fancy, will be new and startling to many readers. Boulter was Lord-primate of Ireland from 1724 to 1738. He was thirteen times one of the lords justices. Asan Englishman and a good churchman he took care of the English interests and of the Establishment. The letters were written in confidence to Sir Robert Walpole and other ministers of state, and were evidently not intended for publication. An address "to the reader" from some friend states truly that they give among other things an impartial account of "the distressed state of the kingdom for want of tillage, the vast sums of money sent out of the nation for corn, flour, &c., the dismal calamities thereon, the want of trade, and the regulation of the English and other coins to the very great distress of all the manufacturers, &c. They show that he was a man of sound judgment, public-spirited, and very moderate and impartial for the times in which he lived. His evidence with regard to the relations of landlord and tenant in Ulster is exceedingly valuable at the present moment.

Primate Boulter repeatedly complained to Walpole, the Duke of Newcastle, and other ministers, that the Ulster farmers were deserting the country in large numbers, emigrating to the United States, then British colonies, to the West Indies, or to any country where they hoped to get the means of living, in many cases binding themselves to work for a number of years as slaves in payment of

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