England, they would prefer it a thousand
times to such "liberty" as the Carbonari
would proclaim. At this time, in 1848, the
power of the Catholic priests was unbroken,
was stronger than ever.
The famine scenes,
in which their love for the people was attested
by heroism and self-sacrifice such as the world
had never seen surpassed, had given them an
influence which none could question or with-
stand. Their antagonism was fatal to the
movement-more surely and infallibly fatal
to it than all the power of the British crown.

"Rose-water revolutionists," Mitchel scorn- | greatly as they disliked the domination of fully called them. "Fools, idiots," exclaimed one of his lieutenants; "they will wait till muskets are showered down to them from heaven, and angels sent to pull the triggers." Behind all this argument for preparation and delay there undoubtedly existed what may be called the "conservative" ideas and principles, which some of the leading Confederates entertained. O'Brien stormed against "the Reds," as he called the more desperate and impatient men. They, on the other hand, denounced him as an "aristocrat" at heart, and a man whose weakness would be the ruin of the whole enterprise. Speaking with myself years afterwards, he referred bitterly to the reproaches cast upon him, for his alleged "punctiliousness" and excessive alarm as to anti-social excesses. "I was ready to give my life in a fair fight for a nation's rights," said he; "but I was not willing to head a jacquerie."

But if the whilom Young Irelanders were thus split into two sections, led respectively by O'Brien and Mitchel, there was a third party to be taken into account, the O'Connellite Repealers. These were as hostile to the revolutionists-both "rose-water" and "vitriol". -as were the life-long partisans of imperial rule. On the occasion of a public banquet given to O'Brien, Meagher, and Mitchel, in the city of Limerick, in March, 1848, an O'Connellite mob surrounded the hall and dispersed the company in a scene of riot and bloodshed. The immediate cause of this astonishing proceeding was an attack on the memory of O'Connell in Mitchel's paper, the dead tribune having been contumeliously referred to for his "degrading and demoralizing moral force doctrines."

One important class in Ireland—a class long accustomed to move with or head the people throughout all this time set themselves invincibly against the contemplated insurrection: the Catholic clergy. They had from the first, as a body, regarded the Young Irelanders with suspicion. They fancied they saw in this movement too much that was akin to the work of the Continental revolutionists, and you; you will be the head of the movement, loyally obeyed; and the revolution will be conducted with order and clemency, or the mere anarchists will prevail with the people, and our revolution will be a bloody chaos. You have at present Lafayette's place as painted by Lamartine, and I believe have fallen into Lafayette's

error of not using it to all its effect and in all its resources.

I am well aware that you do not desire to lead or influ

ence others; but I believe with Lamartine that that feeling, which is a high civic virtue, is a vice in revolutions."

Lord Clarendon, though fully aware that the war-policy Young Irelanders were comparatively weak in numbers, evidently judged that an outbreak once begun might have an alarming development. He determined to strike quickly and strike hard. On the 21st of March O'Brien, Meagher, and Mitchel were arrested, the first two charged with seditious speeches, Mitchel with seditious writings. The prosecutions against O'Brien and Meagher on this indictment failed through disagreement of the juries. As to Mitchel, before his trial by the ordinary course of procedure for sedition could be held, the government passed through parliament a new law called the "Treason Felony Act," which gave greater facilities for dealing with such offences. On the 22d of May he was arraigned under the new act in Green Street Court-house, Dublin, and on the 26th was found guilty.

The Mitchelite party had determined and avowed that his conviction-any attempt to remove him from Dublin as a convict-should be the signal for a rising, and now the event had befallen. There can be no question that had they carried out their resolution a desperate and bloody conflict would have ensued. Mitchel possessed in a remarkable degree the power of inspiring personal attachment and devotion; and there were thousands of men in Dublin who would have given their lives to rescue him. The government were aware of this, and occupied themselves in preparations for an outbreak in the metropolis. The Confederation leaders, however, who considered that any resort to arms before the autumn would be disastrous, strained every energy in dissuading the Mitchelites from the contemplated course of action. The whole of the day previous to the conviction was spent in private negotiations, interviews, arguments, and appeals. This labour was prolonged far into the night, and it was only an hour or two before morning dawned on the 27th of May,

1848, that Dublin was saved from the horrors of a sanguinary struggle.

The friends of Mitchel never concealed their displeasure at the countermand thus effected by the O'Brien party, and prophesied that the opportunity for a successful commencement of the national struggle had been blindly and culpably sacrificed. The consent of the Dublin clubs to abandon the rescue or rising on this occasion was obtained, however, only on the solemn undertaking of the Confederation chiefs that in the second week of August the standard of insurrection would absolutely be unfurled.

A rumour that some such dissuasion was being attempted that Smith O'Brien and his friends were opposed to the intended conflict -spread through Dublin late on the evening of the 26th of May, and painful uncertainty and apprehension agitated the city next morning. The government, though well informed, through spies of everything that was passing, took measures in preparation for all possible eventualities. Mitchel was sentenced to fourteen years' transportation beyond the seas. The court was densely crowded with his personal and political friends and former fellowstudents of Trinity College. He heard the sentence with composure, and then a silence as if of the tomb fell on the throng as it was seen he was about to speak. He addressed the court in defiant tones. "My lords," said he, "I knew I was setting my life on that cast. The course which I have opened is only commenced. The Roman who saw his hand burning to ashes before the tyrant promised that three hundred should follow out his enterprise. Can I not promise for one-for two-for three--aye, for hundreds?" As he uttered these closing words he pointed first to John Martin, then to Devin Reilly, next to Thomas Francis Meagher, and so on to the throng of associates whom he saw crowding the galleries. A thundering cry rang through the building, "Promise for me, Mitchel! Promise for me!" and a rush was made to embrace him ere they should see him no more. The officers in wild dismay thought it meant a rescue. Arms were drawn; bugles in the street outside sounded the alarm; troops hurried up. A number of police flung themselves on Mitchel, tore him from the embrace of his excited friends, and hurried him through the wicket that leads from the dock to the cells beneath. It may be pronounced that in that moment the Irish insurrectionary movement of 1848 was put down.

At an early hour that morning the war-sloop Shearwater was drawn close to the north wall jetty at Dublin quay. There she lay, with fires lighted and steam up, waiting the freight that was being prepared for her in Green Street Court-house. Scarcely had Mitchel been removed from the dock than he was heavily manacled, strong chains passing from his wrists to his ankles. Thus fettered he was hurried into a police-van waiting outside the gateway, surrounded by dragoons with sabres drawn. At a signal the cavalcade dashed off, and skilfully making a detour of the city so as to avoid the streets wherein hostile crowds might have been assembled or barricades erected, they reached the Shearwater at the wharf. Mitchel was carried on board, and had scarcely touched the deck when the paddles were put in motion, the steamer swiftly sped to sea, and in a few hours the hills of Ireland had faded from view.

The news of his conviction and sentence, the astounding intelligence that he was really gone, burst like a thunderclap on the clubs throughout the provinces. A cry of rage went up, and the Confederation chiefs were fiercely denounced for what was called their fatal cowardice. Confidence in their determination vanished. Unfortunately, from this date forward there was for them no retreating. They now flung themselves into the provinces, traversing the counties from east to west, addressing meetings, inspecting club organizations, inquiring as to armament, and exhorting the people to be ready for the fray. Of course the government was not either inattentive or inactive. Troops were poured into the country; barracks were improvised, garrisons strengthened, gunboats moved into the rivers, flying camps established; every military disposition was made for encountering the insurrection.

In all their calculations the Confederate leaders had reckoned upon two months for preparation, which would bring them to the middle of August. By no legal process of arrest or prosecution known to them could their conviction be effected in a shorter space of time. Never once did they take into contemplation the possibility (and to men dealing with so terrible a problem it ought to have been an obvious contingency) that the government would dispense with the slow and tedious forms of ordinary procedure, and grasp them quickly with avenging hand. While O'Brien and Dillon and Meagher, O'Gorman and M'Gee, were scattered through the

country, arranging for the rising, lo! the news | into a substantially built farmhouse close by, reached Dublin one day in the last week of July that the previous evening the government had passed through parliament a bill for suspending the Habeas Corpus act. That night proclamations were issued for the arrest of the Confederate leaders, and considerable rewards were offered for their apprehension.

Patrick O'Donoghue by name, having been | Eventually the proceedings against him were convicted of high treason, were sentenced to abandoned. Of less important participators death; but by authority of a specially passed numbers were convicted, and hundreds fled the act of parliament, the barbarous penalty of country never to return. "Forty-eight" cost hanging, disembowelling, and quartering, to Ireland dearly-not alone in the sacrifice of which they were formally adjudged, was com- some of her best and noblest sons, led to imomuted into transportation beyond the seas for late themselves in such desperate enterprise as life. Duffy was thrice brought to trial; but revolution, but in the terrible reaction, the although the crown made desperate efforts to prostration, the terrorism, the disorganization effect his conviction, the prosecution each time that ensued. Through many a long and dreary broke down, baffled by the splendid abilities of year the country suffered for the delirium of the defence conducted by Mr. Isaac Butt, Q.C. that time.

PATRICK WESTON JOYCE.

Series," and the book, now consisting of two volumes, is unique of its kind; for in no other country in Europe have place-names been subjected to the same detailed scientific analysis, and the results given in a readable form.

[Patrick Weston Joyce was born in 1827 in | within a few months. In 1875 came a "Second the village of Ballyorgan, county Limerick. He was educated at private schools. In 1845 he entered the service of the Commissioners of National Education, under whom he held several successive posts till 1860, when he was placed at the head of the Central National Model Schools, Dublin. He was next raised to the position of a professor in the commissioners' training department for teachers-a post he still holds. While he was thus climbing the ladder of promotion in his department he found time to enter and graduate in Trinity College, of which he became a B.A. in 1861, an M.A. in 1865, and LL.D. in 1870.

In 1872 was issued Ancient Irish Music, a collection of one hundred Irish airs hitherto unpublished, with historical and illustrative text. The work contained, besides, several songs, some of them by Dr. Joyce himself, others by his brother Robert Dwyer Joyce. In 1879 appeared Old Celtic Romances, a series of eleven of the ancient bardic tales of Ireland, translated into plain homely English from the Gaelic manuscripts of the Royal Irish Academy and Trinity College, Dublin— a work which, like the Irish Names of Places, has been very favourably reviewed, and is already an established success. Dr. Joyce is, besides, author of How to Prepare for Civil Service Competition, and A School Irish Grammar.]

Dr. Joyce's first work was suggested by his own occupation. A Handbook of School Management and Methods of Teaching, published in 1863, has passed through many editions, and continues to be universally used by the teachers of Irish National Schools. He was elected a member of the Royal Irish Academy in 1863, and two years afterwards he put at the disposition of that body the results of his investigations into the laws by which the Irish names of places were formed. The series FAIRIES AND THE NAMES OF PLACES.1 of papers in which he developed his ideas were received with favour by Petrie, Todd, and other leading Irish scholars. Thus encouraged, Dr. Joyce continued his investigations, and in 1869 he published his work on the Origin and History of Irish Names of Places. This is a fascinating volume, full of quaint stories, curious information, most interesting analysis of the superstitions and history hidden in the names by which localities are known. The success of the book was immediate, a second edition being called for

Most of the different kinds of fairies, so well known at the present day to those acquainted with the Irish peasantry, have also been commemorated in local names. A few of those I will here briefly mention, but the subject deserves more space than I can afford.

The Pooka-Irish puca-is an odd mixture of merriment and malignity; his exploits form

1 The above extract is from the chapter on "Fairies, Demons, Goblins, and Ghosts," in the first series of the Origin and History of Irish Names of Places.