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Penn offered a bribe to an under-secretary to change it, but in vain. The "public Friend" had become feudal lord of Pennsylvania and Delaware. When he arrived in America, the key of the fort at Newcastle was delivered to him; with this he locked himself in and afterward let himself out. A turf with a twig upon it was then handed to him, and a porringer of river-water; and thus, in ancient feudal form, Delaware was transferred.

The "first landers" of Penn's new colony arrived at the site of Philadelphia in 1681, and spent the winter in caves which they dug in the river-bank for temporary shelter. While the women and children dwelt in these dingy holes, the men traveled up and down the streams and through the untracked woods selecting land. But the Friends endured hardships in the same temper as that shown by religious refugees in the earlier colonies. "Our view," says one of them, two years later, "was to have freedom of worship, and to live in greater simplicity and innocency on a virgin elysian shore, and to give thousands of dark souls to civilization and piety." Not only did the Friends seek to escape from an unendurable persecution, but they seem to have been terrified at the wickedness of England and her rulers, and to have fled from coming judgments of the Almighty as the Puritans had done before them. Some years after Penn's beginning, a prophet arose in the Friends' meetings in London, who was moved by an inward power to predict judgments of sword, famine, and pestilence against England, and, as if this were not enough, he proclaimed also an earthquake that should lay the greater part of London "in rubbish and ruins."

Penn's renown brought nearly thirty vessels laden with two thousand emigrants to the Delaware in the first year of the settlement. The most of these were Friends from various parts of England, Wales, and Ireland, but there were some German and Dutch Quakers from places on the Continent in which Penn had preached. The Swedes, who were the old settlers, welcomed the Friends with joy, and carried their goods up the steep river-bank. The new-comers scattered themselves from the Delaware counties all the way to the falls at Trenton. When Penn returned to England in 1684, he left seven thousand people in his dominions, though there were then but three hundred houses. Many of the people were yet, no doubt, in wigwams and in caves cut in the sandy banks.

VII.

THE PEOPLING OF CAROLINA.

THE rush from Europe in this period of the restored Stuarts, and of the persecution

of Protestants on the Continent, replenished most of the colonies, but chiefly those in which religious toleration was liberally granted. Such were the Jerseys, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, and such were the Carolinas, which had their rise in this movement. Charles II. was ready enough to give to friends and favorites lands in America which could not be made tributary to royal dissipations. He satisfied the greed of his brother with the territories which the Dutch had been at so much pains to occupy for fifty years. To Penn, at a later period, he trucked Pennsylvania to be rid of an importunate creditor. About the time of the grant to the Duke of York he bestowed on certain courtiers the country south of Virginia, which in his honor they called Carolina. Religion being a fashionable outer garment, the preamble to the Carolina charter assigns a motive for this gift to a knot of avaricious favorites in these words: "The grantees being excited with a laudable and pious zeal for the propagation of the Gospel, begged a certain country in the parts of America not yet cultivated and planted, or only inhabited by some barbarous people who had no knowledge of God."

Having procured the territory, the next care, from a practical stand-point, would have been to people it. But visionary and utopian ideas tinged almost all schemes of American colonization, and one of the proprietors, Lord Ashley, afterward the first Earl of Shaftesbury, was the friend and patron of the famous John Locke. What more natural in that age than to ask the philosopher to project a scheme of laws and institutions for Carolina? Never were speculative legislators luckier than Locke and Shaftesbury; here was a virgin province ready to hand, with no useless lumber of antiquated institutions in the way. A set of fundamental laws was therefore prepared, as in a vacuum, for a people whose origin, character, and circumstances were wrapped in the darkness of the future. The unexplored acres of the Carolina wilderness were distributed in rectangular tracts to orders of noblemen yet unknown, who were to be called palatines, landgraves, and caciques. So perfect did the framers of this cumbrous system account it that they made it unchangeable and perpetual; but its feeble and qualified existence did not outlast a single generation.

It would not be quite correct to say that there were no inhabitants in the territory for which these ponderous constitutions were intended, for pioneers can cut down trees, build huts and plant corn-patches without the advice of philosophers. The constitutions conferred upon the wilderness an admiral; a chamberlain to look after ceremonies, fashions,

and heraldry; a constable with lieutenantgenerals, and other such great dignitaries; but before any of these were thought of, and before the grant had been made to the lordsproprietors, a few settlers had pushed off to the rivers flowing into Albemarle Sound, under the lead of one Roger Green, to whom the Virginia Legislature, in 1653, voted a thousand acres of land for his "charge, hazard, and trouble" in opening the country. This pioneer settlement became a convenient resort for persecuted dissenters and embarrassed debtors who wished to place the Dismal Swamp between them and the operation of the Virginia laws. About 1660 a colony of New England people settled near Cape Fear. The Indians, having suspected them of a design to kidnap their children under pretense of converting them, became hostile, and the additional discouragement of a poor soil caused the settlers to abandon their cattle and leave the coast, posting a warning to all future comers against settling a land so infertile. These were followed in 1663 by a company from Barbadoes, under Sir John Yeamans; a part of whom deserted the country in 1667, some going to Virginia and others to New England. The proprietors added, in 1670, a new colony at Port Royal. This last one soon removed to the neighborhood of Charleston, which city was founded in 1680. Carolina was thus begun by three weak and widely separated settlements.

[graphic]

WILLIAM PENN'S CHAIR, IN INDEPEND

ENCE HALL, PHILADELPHIA.

The difficulties of the new colony in the southern part of the province were aggravated by the incongruity of its elements. The bankrupt and dissolute Cavaliers hated and domineered over the rigid Puritans who had left England after the king's return, to escape the judgment which they believed to be imminent over a nation given up to immorality and scoffing irreverence. The Roundhead emigrant despised the Cavalier as a son of Belial and a persecutor of the Lord's people. To add to the discord, the king had sent some Huguenots to introduce the culture of "wine, oil, and silk," and the warm climate had attracted others; but the old English prejudice against the French made them trouble,VOL. XXV.-69.

WILLIAM PENN, FROM A PORTRAIT IN THE NATIONAL MUSEUM OF PHILADELPHIA.

they were excluded from all share in the government, and the validity of their marriages by ministers without Episcopal ordination, and the legitimacy of their children, were questioned.

Finding that some of the Dutch were in a state of discontent after the surrender of New York to the English, the Carolina proprietors sent two ships in 1671 to bring such as wished to emigrate to the colony, and this was the beginning of an important movement from New York and from the fatherland, of Dutch, whose thrift and industry contrasted with the dissolute idleness of many of the English settlers. The Scotch emigrants, who supplied the colony with many of its physicians, lawyers, and school-masters, rose to importance by their thrift, and in many cases by their prudent habit of marrying into large estates. There came also numerous Palatines from Ger

many, and settlers from Switzerland, and yet larger numbers of Protestant Irish. There were some French Catholics from Acadie, and in the later colonial period thousands of emigrants from the northern colonies, seeking unoccupied wild lands and warmer climate, journeyed overland in caravans to the Carolinas, driving their cattle and hogs before them.

[graphic]

PENN COAT-OF

ARMS.

a

Besides offering bounties in land, and such

[graphic][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][merged small]

like inducements to emigrants, interested people circulated in Europe the most glowing accounts of the advantages of Carolina. The Swiss who settled Purrysburg-had read in a tract circulated in Switzerland that the houses in Charleston were very costly, and that "if you travel into the country you will see stately buildings and noble castles." "Horses of the best kind in the world are so plentiful" that whenever "a tailor or a shoemaker is obliged to go three miles from his house it would be very extraordinary to see him walk." Where tailors and shoe-makers ride, what is there more to be said?

The province of North Carolina, which became distinct from South Carolina in 1729, was more homogeneous than the latter in the origins of its people, who came in the first instance, as we have seen, chiefly from the colonies to the north of it, from Barbadoes, and from England. The early comers were a hardy, independent, and generally illiterate race of woodsmen, not restrained from resisting the oppression of governors by any scrupulous regard for established institutions or regular processes of law. They were wont to serve, by means of their muskets, a pioneer's rude and riotous quo warranto on oppressive rulers. They lived for the most. part, however, in peace with the savages, and the early diffusion of Quakerism softened their

manners.

The later colonists in North Carolina were not wholly English. Before 1729, the Highland Scotch began to settle on Cape Fear

River, and after the overthrow of the young Pretender, when the Highlands were ruthlessly harried by the Duke of Cumberland, the faithful clansmen took the hint given them by George II., who pardoned some of the rebels on condition of their removal to the plantations. The Gaelic was heard in six North Carolina counties, and to this region came, in 1775, Flora McDonald, the romantic deliverer of "Prince Charlie." In the later period a large Protestant Irish population poured down through the Appalachian valleys into Virginia and North Carolina, and met and mingled with another stream of the same people, who came in from the coast of South Carolina up the valleys of the Pedee and the Wateree. About the time of the earliest Scotch immigration the Moravians bought, in two purchases, a hundred thousand acres in North Carolina, and sent twelve young "single brethren" to begin a settlement. They had to chop a road for their wagon, on which they brought salt and a swarm of bees from Virginia as part of their outfit. Germans from the Palatinate, that exhaustless source of emigration, with some Swiss, very early settled

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THE latest planted of the thirteen colonies was perhaps the most curious of all, if we consider the character of its founder and the purposes of its foundation. General James Oglethorpe, the last captain of colony planting, was, like John Smith, the first of the line, a man of imaginative temperament, uniting high qualities of generalship with romantic ideas. The latest founder, like the earliest, had distinguished himself in wars against the Turks, having fought in the army of Prince Eugène in the difficult and brilliant campaign which resulted in the capture of Belgrade in 1717. An ingenious philanthropist, General Oglethorpe conceived the notion of providing for ruined debtors, persecuted Protestants, and others in a colony on a utopian plan, which was also to serve as a barrier against the encroachments of the Spanish from Florida, and to be a means of snatching the lucrative production of silk

from the Italians, besides accomplish-
ing divers other laudable objects. No
rum was to be admitted, though the
bankrupt objects of charity might have
beer and wine. Slaves were excluded;
for though the founders of Georgia
did not give liberty to their white sub-
jects, the rights of the negro seem to
have been considered. It was also
necessary to shut out the slave in
order to teach the indigent colonists
to work, and to increase the military
strength of the settlement. No man
might have more than fifty acres, ex-
cept he brought white servants at his
own expense, and this fifty-acre patch,
laid off regardless of the character of
the land, he could neither sell, lease,
nor bequeath. The ancient and de-
moralizing stupidity of entail in the
male line was introduced in the inter-
est of agrarian ideas, lest the petty
farm should be divided. Failing a
lineal male heir, the estate reverted
to the trustees, for fear that, falling to
a daughter, two little farms might be
consolidated into one by marriage of
the owners. In the interest of benev-
olent schemes the trustees defied insu-
perable difficulties, and calmly put
aside all thought of human rights and
liberties, men were to be good in
Georgia by sheer force of law and circum-
stance, and women were to wind silk whether
they would or not. All must have town lots,
garden patches, and petty farms of the same
size, and the growing of mulberry trees and
silk-culture were conditions of land-holding.
The ideal which the trustees sought to realize
was a frontier community in a strait-jacket,
-a province treated as non compos mentis,
and handed over to twenty-one guardians.

[graphic]

TOMO-CHI-CHI AND HIS NEPHEW. (FROM A PRINT AFTER THE PAINTING
BY WILLIAM VERELST.)

from crossing the wilderness frontier of Caro-
lina, and silk-culture is for old countries, not
for struggling settlers on a savage coast. It
seems hard to enforce the gathering of mul-
berry leaves, limit land-holdings to fifty acres,
and charge an exorbitant quit-rent where there
was no stint of ground. The indigent debtor,
thriftless or unwise in England, was not likely
to be improved by a few years' coddling on
public stores in Georgia. The result was one
that might easily have been foreseen; the
settlers came to regard charity as a right,
and grumbled roundly when gratuitous sup-
plies were cut off. They attributed their
miseries chiefly to this cessation of alms and
to the lack of negro slaves.

But Oglethorpe and his associates were disinterested, and excluded themselves from every chance of profit. They might well take for the device on their corporate seal, silk-worms spinning, with the motto: Non sibi, sed aliis: "Not for one's self, but for others." The trustees gave liberally of their In 1732 Oglethorpe took out his first comprivate means; a contagious benevolence pany of a hundred and fourteen, not countwas awakened, the Bank of England sub- ing the clergymen and the Italian silk-tender. scribed, Parliament voted nearly ten thou- Many others were soon added, including a sand pounds, and in all, the sum of thirty-six company of Highlanders for the defense of thousand pounds was collected without the Southern border, and a society of persesolicitation; the authorities of South Carolina cuted Protestants who had traveled afoot all gave cattle, rice, and hogs, while private the way from the valleys by Salzburg to a individuals in that colony made personal donations. It is a pity that in this scheme, on which so much benevolence was expended, there should not have been a glimmer of practical statesmanship. Rum could not be kept

sea-port in Holland, that they might at last find rest and liberty in Georgia. Twenty families of Jews came the first year, for none but Roman Catholics were excluded. So considerate and excellent were Oglethorpe's

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