the abolition of its independent Parliament, the reduction of the capital to a provincial town, and the increase of taxation to pay the growing national debt. The gains which might be expected to accrue from the Union were kept in the background. There were those of course who conscientiously believed that trade would decline, instead of advance, as it did, by rapid strides; that, in spite of the solemn guarantees, the law and the Church would yield to the dominant influences of the larger country, in which henceforth was to be the sole seat of government; and that much of the talent and wealth of Scotland would be attracted southwards and be absorbed by the English. These considerations led to a stormy agitation, which heralded the sittings of the last Parliament of Scotland. Estates. The Estates met early in October, 1706, and on the Meeting 12th took the Articles of Union into consideration. of the While the debates were progressing, addresses were presented in considerable numbers from various counties and boroughs praying that the treaty might not be ratified, whilst scarcely any were presented in its favour. Although it could not be held that the Union was popular, a Scottish historian (Burton) observes that the addresses were no more a measure of positive national antipathy to it than the turbulence of a few Edinburgh apprentices which for a time disturbed the capital. After nearly a month spent in preliminary discussions, it was agreed on November 4th to take a vote on the first article of the Union, with a proviso, however, that it was to be dependent on the rest being carried. Great debate on the Union. The debate furnished one of the finest oratorical displays which marked the course of the Scots Parliament. The Duke of Hamilton spoke stirringly on Scottish nationality, and Seton of Pitmedden, one of the commissioners, pleaded for the measure in a calm and statesmanlike speech. But the great feature of the debate was the eloquent oration of Lord Belhaven, a young nobleman of Lord Belfiery and impetuous character, whose opposition to the haven's speech. Union reached a species of fanaticism. His speech formed Reforma Union. CHAP. II. an event in the history of Scotland, and was afterwards From the spread broadcast, in numberless editions, throughout the tion to the country. As compared with the efforts of later English orators, if examined in some distant age, "it would be found to have few competitors among them in the essentials of heroic oratory, rapid and potent diction, impassioned appeal, bold and apt illustration." Though evidently addressed to the people at large, it bristled with classical allusions. While the form of the speech delighted the cultivated, its substance alarmed those who already dreaded the effects of the Union. "What hinders us, my lord," he exclaimed in the most rhetorical portion of his speech, "to lay aside our divisions, to unite cordially and heartily together in our present circumstances, when our all is at stake? Hannibal, my lord, is at our gates. Hannibal is come the length of this table; he is at the foot of this throne; he will demolish this throne if we take not notice; he'll seize upon these regalia; he'll take them as our spolia opima, and whip us out of this House never to return again. For the love of God then, for the safety and welfare of our ancient kingdom, whose sad circumstances I hope we shall yet convert into prosperity and happiness!—we want no means if we unite. God blesseth the peacemakers. We want neither men nor sufficiency of all manner of things to make a nation happy." In another dramatic passage the speaker put the question of a national union of parties against the common enemy upon his bended knees, paused for a reply, and receiving none, solemnly recorded, "No answer!" Again, after rapidly sketching the contents of the treaty, he said, "Good God! what is thisan entire surrender! My lords, I find my heart so full of grief and indignation, that I must beg pardon not to finish the last part of my discourse, that I may drop a tear as the prelude to so sad a story." The first Article carried. This fervid oratory, nevertheless, failed to awe or impress the House, and it had absolutely no effect upon the division. Whatever might be the case in the country, the House was inclined to ridicule rather than to quail before the great speech. Lord Marchmont excited laughter and cheers when he said that they had heard a long speech, and a very terrible one; but he thought a short answer would suffice, and it might be given in these words: "Behold, he dreamed; but, lo, when he awoke, behold it was but a dream." The division gave 116 in favour of the article and 83 against, the Squadrone having declared for the Union. Although the great preponderance of the majority was in the peerage, there was an actual majority in each Estate -a matter of considerable moment upon so vital a question. The actual majority in each of the Estates was as follows: peers, 25; barons, 4; representatives of the boroughs, 4. In many of the subsequent articles, and especially those relating to trade, the Parliament secured modifications which were distinctly in favour of Scotland. By disturbances in the west, and projected addresses to the High Commissioner in Parliament, the party opposed to the Union now sought to prevent its consummation. But the work went forward, and additional guarantees were given to the Presbyterian Church in an act passed for "securing the Protestant religion and the Presbyterian Establishment." To conciliate the English Episcopacy and Parliament, the measure contained a balancing clause, consenting that the Parliament of England might provide as it thought fit for the security of the English Church within its own sphere. Parlia During the discussion of the articles, an amendment Proposed that the Parliament of Great Britain should meet once ment each third year in Scotland was put and lost. Waiving in Edinburgh. other objections to such a scheme, the inconvenience of taking the vast bulk of the members of the House of Commons to Edinburgh once in every three years, with such defective means of transit, was, and is, manifestly apparent. A Parliament in Edinburgh would no doubt Dr. Mackay, in the Encyclopædia Britannica, gives the total majority as 35, but that is a mistake; the Scots Acts of Parliament show it to have been only 33. CHAP. II. have led to an increase of trade in the Scottish capital; From the but the proposal was scarcely taken seriously even in the tion to the north, and it finds but the barest mention in the official minutes. Reforma Union. Tragio Lord Stair. The Union carried. It The passage of the articles was pushed through; but death of just as the twenty-second article was carried Lord Stair expired suddenly, from the effects of anxiety and overexertion in connection with the treaty. This nobleman, who fifteen years before had played such an unenviable part in the massacre of Glencoe, rendered great legal service as a supporter of the Union. With the passing of the twenty-second article, the treaty was safe. The discussions concluded on January 16th, 1707, when the Treaty of last division was taken on the passing of "An Act ratifying and approving the Treaty of Union." was carried by 110 to 69 votes, and on this occasion there was a satisfactory majority in each Estate. The peers in favour of the act were 42, with 19 against ; the barons 38, as against 30; and the burgesses 30, as against 20. The Act was thereafter touched with the royal sceptre by her Majesty's High Commissioner. Lockhart states that Seafield, the Chancellor, in signing the official exemplification of the Act, made use of a well-known Scotch simile: "And there's an end o' an auld sang." For this he has incurred the indignant remonstrances of some of his countrymen, Sir Walter Scott included. Charges of bribery. With regard to the charges of corruption against the statesmen of the Union, the historian Burton, after a close examination of them, came to the conclusion that there was no ground for the charge of bribery in Scotland. It is true that Lockhart makes the most express charges, and gives the amount actually distributed as £20,540 178. 7d. ; but several of the official persons stated to have been bribed continually complained that they could not get their arrears of salary paid. Of course it would be corruption if long arrears were paid cash down as an equivalent for a vote; but, as Burton observes, "it surely does not follow from the mere fact of arrears being paid that such a compact has been made, nor can it be inferred from the general condition of our information on this matter." Whether money passed legitimately or as an equivalent, there are few now who would hold the Union to have been a base and sordid betrayal of the interests of Scotland. Details of After the Treaty of Union had been carried, the Scots Estates still continued to sit as a sovereign Scotch Representa legislature pending the acceptance of the treaty by Eng- tion. land; and various questions of importance came up for solution. Seeing that the existing Parliament of England was to remain as the English portion of the united Legislature, the Estates resolved that the representative peers as well as the commoners for Scotland should be chosen from their existing Parliament. It was further decided that representatives should be elected for every Parliament, that voting should be open, and not by ballot, and that proxies should be allowed. Thirty of the fortyfive seats reserved for the Commons of Scotland were apportioned to the counties, and fifteen to the towns. Edinburgh was to have the privilege of electing its representative separately, but the other boroughs, sixtysix in number, were joined together in groups to the number of fourteen. A commissioner was to be chosen by each borough, and the commissioners of each group were to meet and elect the member of Parliament. Peers were excluded from candidature for the House of Commons, and it was proposed also to exclude their eldest sons. Though the latter proposition was not carried in this form, it found indirect acceptance in a resolution to limit the representative right "to such as are now capable by the laws of this kingdom to elect or be elected." The principle of excluding peers' eldest sons from the representation of Scotch shires and boroughs, though not a very intelligible one, prevailed down to the Reform Act of 1832. In disposing of the Equivalent, the sum of £232,000, being more than half the whole, was awarded to the stockholders of the Darien Company for capital and interest. The balance was employed in |