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Austrian Attempts for Peace.

About this time came rumors of an attempt of Austria to secure a separate peace. A little later the Germans attempted to make a separate peace with Russia, partly as an answer to Austria's unofficial negotiations in France and partly as the result of a doubt of Germany's ability to win the war. But these attempts were quickly forgotten when on December 12, 1916, the German chancellor, at the request of the Emperor, sent a peace communication to Secretary Lansing. This proposal presented no conditions for peace but asked simply that the President use his good offices to call a peace conference of the belligerents in a neutral state where proposals for peace could be discussed. After the first general excitement the prevailing opinion was that this proposal was meant primarily to hearten the spirits of the people in Germany and Austria. Informally, each of the Allied Powers refused to consider it as more than a war move and the formal reply to the United States, made by Minister Briand of France for the Allies, was that the Allies could not view the proffer as a desire for peace but regarded it rather as a domestic war measure, and hence could not accept the document as having been presented in good faith.

Peace Proposals of December

1916.

In the meantime, President Wilson was preparing for a new step. In May 1916, in an address before the League to Enforce Peace, he had stated that "every people shall have the right to choose the sovereignty under which it shall live", and "that small states have the right of sovereignty and integrity and the world has a right to peace". The conditions of peace, he said, were such a settlement as the belligerents could agree upon and a universal association of nations.

Within a few days after the reception of the German communication, President Wilson requested from each of the belligerents a statement of its war aims, with the expressed hope that such replies might form the basis for negotiations for peace. To this appeal Germany and Austria sent identical replies practically restating the earlier German proposal; namely, the request that delegates be called to sit in a neutral state and there exchange views. The Allied governments summed up their earlier statements, but intimated that the time had not yet come to discuss peace. Their reply stated that the Allies wanted as a basis for negotiation, the evacuation of conquered territory, reorganization of Europe on the basis of nationality, respect for the integrity of small states, reparation and indemnity, and finally the passing of the Turk from Europe. The request of President

The

Allied

Terms.

14 December 20, 1916.

Wilson and the replies from the belligerents brought forth a great deal of discussion which clearly showed that Wilson's suggestion received no favor in either group of belligerents, but that, on the other hand, it was well received by all the neutral Powers with the exception of Spain. It probably went far to convince the Central Powers that there was no hope of success through peace negotiations. Without doubt this realization contributed to their decision to begin the ruthless submarine warfare.

This failure of President Wilson's attempt at making peace closed the fourth period of peace discussion and made it very clear to the neutral Powers that the war must continue until one or the other of the hostile groups was defeated. In America, peace was momentarily lost sight of in the excitement of suddenly finding ourselves at war on the side of the Allies and in the midst of preparation. But the lessons of the earlier period were not forgotten in America, where long forbearance had given these lessons force and where now the American soldier and sailor began their part of the great struggle, impelled by an idealism which gave to the war almost the character of a new crusade.

SUGGESTED READINGS

EARLY ATTEMPTS AT PEACE

War Cyclopædia, Peace Overtures, German 1916; Peace Overtures, Papal; Peace Terms, American; Lansdowne Note.

International Conciliation Bulletin, January 1917. "Official Documents Looking Toward Peace."

Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European History, pp. 748-750.

Wilson, Woodrow, Addresses.

New York Times Current History.

Proposals for Peace

TOPIC FOR SPECIAL STUDY

International Conciliation Bulletin, January 1917.

CHAPTER II

THE CONSUMMATION OF PEACE PLANS

DURING 1917 two new incentives for peace were added to those of the earlier period. These were the socialist demands which began to find voice in all countries in entire harmony with the national ideal, and the voice of the Russian revolution which, as the months passed, became more and more opposed to the war under the leadership of the Bolshevist group.

The
Socialists.

The

Stockholm

Conference.

Early in May the German majority socialist leader, Philip Scheidemann, demanded in the Reichstag that the government formulate its peace terms. He stated that the socialists were clear in their position. They desired the integrity of German territory and Germany's economic independence and development. The chancellor, however, declined to answer the request on the ground that such an answer would not be for the good of the country at that time when Germany had definitely launched her submarine attack to end the war. This reply produced a retort from Scheidemann that if the German government continued on its course the time might come when a republic would have to take its place. The socialist movement culminated in a call for an international congress to be held at Stockholm. This gathering was later fathered by the Russian revolutionary government. The Congress was postponed from time to time during the year. The United States refused to give passports to the American delegates and the Sailors' Union refused to carry the English and French delegates. Eventually the Allied nations acting jointly refused to allow their delegates to go to the conference. The Belgian Socialist party on July fifth issued its own peace program, which asked for the dethronement of the Hohenzollern and adherence to the principles of no annexations and no indemnities, explaining, however, that Belgium must be restored by Germany and that by "no annexations" was not meant that Alsace-Lorraine should not be returned to France and the Italian portions of Austria-Hungary to Italy. The party also included in its plan the right of self-determination, that is, the right of any group of people to determine to what state they should give their adherence. It called attention especially to the condition of the peoples of Austria-Hungary who had been asking for justice and for self determination for a hundred years. Later in

Erzberger and Peace.

3

the year when the German independent socialists had become more bold their leader, Liebknecht, accused the government of toying with imperialism. For this he was imprisoned and the group were silenced.2 In the latter part of June the party of the center, the Catholics, led by Matthias Erzberger, decided to desert the government and to put forward their peace plans in connection with the socialists. These plans were that the Centrists and Socialists of the Reichstag should labor for peace and mutual understanding as well as for reconciliation, that there should be no forced requisitions of territory and no political, economic or financial demands that were incompatible with the freedom of states. They further asked for freedom of the seas, for a cessation of the economic blockade after the war, and for the establishment of a judicial tribunal for all nations. This position of the Centrist or Catholic party probably suggested The Papal to the pope that the time had come for a renewed attempt at peace. On August 14, 1917, he sent a note to each of the belligerent Powers outlining general terms and conditions of peace. These conditions were: 1. A general decrease of armaments to be made by all nations at the same time. 2. The institution of a court of arbitration under rules to be drawn. 3. Freedom of the seas. 4. No indemnities except perhaps in a few cases by common consent. 5. Reciprocal restoration of occupied territories. 6. The settlement of all territorial questions by conference, taking into account the desires of the peoples. (Here were mentioned as examples, Alsace-Lorraine and the unredeemed parts of Italy and Poland.)

Plea.

The Central Powers commended the pope's attempt, but made no specific references to their intentions. The Catholic party of Germany accepted the attempt as an honest and worthy endeavor to further peace, and this was the view of the Dutch Catholics. The Allied press and governments generally were skeptical of the pope's motives. The principles were very similar to those put forth by the Catholic party in the Central states and opinion varied as to whether it was in reality propaganda of the Central Powers whose cause the pope had been induced unconsciously to advocate, or whether it was a veiled attempt on the part of the pope to strengthen the temporal power of the church by assuming the leadership of the Catholic peoples

1 By imperialism is meant the desire of nations to extend their control over other peoples whom they wish to exploit for their own ends.

2 For the discussion of the British labor party's peace plans see chapter 4. In European countries the Centrists or party of the Center represent those holding a middle ground in politics; the party of the Right generally represents conservative tendencies and the party of the Left the radical element.

of all Europe. The United States formally answered the pope's note for the Allies, Mr. Lansing briefly stating that we could not act on the suggestion because the statements were too general to base any action upon and because the United States could not trust Germany to make peace in the spirit of the pope's request. This reply elicited a spirited reply from the German socialists, denying that Germany aimed at supporting a government rather than a people and showing clearly the rift that had earlier appeared in German political circles.

Socialist Peace Pro

gram in

Russia.

In Russia, after the revolution had been accomplished and the new government had been established, the attempt was made to regain touch with the Allies and to secure their approval and aid. In this, Milukoff, the foreign secretary, took active part, sending a note to the Allies stating that Russia's position was in harmony with that of the rest of the Allied group. This action was severely criticised by the Russian socialists who attempted to restate Russia's peace demands. There should be no annexations, no contributions or money demands-that is, no indemnities under any form. There should be no imperialism; the "penalties and guarantees" to be demanded, referred to the reduction of amounts and the establishment of international tribunals. As the provisional government refused to accept this interpretation of the socialists' position, they were soon forced to give place to the Social Democratic party under the leadership of Kerensky, who sought to establish right relations with the Allies and announced himself to be in harmony with the peace desires of the Allied forces as far as they could be stated. Kerensky and the Social Democratic party quickly lost control of the revolution and were replaced by the radical socialists. The new government issued an appeal to the international socialists of all countries to unite in a peace which should be non-imperialistic, and which should be dictated by the radical group. It was at this time that they decided to father the idea of an international socialist congress at Stockholm which was called to meet in May 1917. On May 26, our government sent a note to Russia which summed up the American position. The United States asked for the liberty and self government of all peoples; that wrongs be made right; that each people be allowed to choose its own allegiance; no money payments except to right wrongs; annexations only to permit the free choice of peoples; and a league of nations to guarantee peace.1 To these France added, on June 5th, the return of Alsace-Lorraine, destruction of militarism, and liberation of oppressed peoples.

N. Y. Times Current History, XII, 49.

The Peace Program of the United

States.

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