Influence

of Bismarck.

paved the way for the acceptance of such leadership by his brother and his great prime minister, Otto von Bismarck, who was born in 1815, the year of the Congress of Vienna. He was educated in German universities with a view to entering the diplomatic service. He returned to his home community and there became a country gentleman. In many ways his career reminds one of the career of Cavour.3 Living the life of a country gentleman; managing his

PRINCE BISMARCK ADDRESSING THE GERMAN REICHSTAG.

estates; taking part in the councils of the community-all prepared him for his later premiership. Chosen to represent his local constituency in the Prussian legislative assembly at Berlin, he distinguished himself by embracing the royal cause and his opposition to liberalism. This brought him to the notice of the King, Frederick William IV and for this reason, he was chosen as a representative of Prussia in the German Confederation which met at Frankfort-on-the-Main. Here he came to know that the question of the needs of Germany was bigger

3 See Chapter upon Development of Italian Nationality.

than a local one and that Austria must be eliminated from the German Confederation before any united state could be established. In 1859 he wrote as follows: "I have brought away as a result of my experience from the eight years official life at Frankfort this conviction, that the present arrangement of the Bund (German Confederation) forms for Prussia an oppressive and at critical times a perilous tie. . . . . I see in our connexion with the Bund an infirmity which we shall have to destroy sooner or later ferro et igni (with fire and sword), if we do not apply timely remedies to it at a favorable season of the year."

A recent work discussing this problem says: "Early in his residence at Frankfort he had formed the conclusion that a struggle à outrance between Austria and Prussia was inevitable. For that struggle he steadily prepared; cultivating the friendship of the minor sovereigns; strengthening their economic ties with Prussia; urging upon his own king a more independent and bolder diplomacy in the wider European sphere. At least one fixed maxim of his later policy is already formed at Frankfort: 'Prussia must never let Russia's friendship wax cold. Her alliance is the cheapest among all continental alliances, for the eyes of Russia are turned only to the East.""

In 1859 he was transferred from Frankfort to St. Petersburg where he remained three years and then for a few months prior to 1862 he was ambassador at Paris. These eleven years of diplomatic experience from 1851 to 1862 paved the way for Bismarck's later career. He emerged from the Prussian squire with his provincial attitude of mind which looked within Germany itself to the world diplomatist with his vision of Prussian leadership in Germany and Germany's leadership in continental affairs. His experience at St. Petersburg gained for him the friendship of Russia and his understanding of Russia's position and his ability later to make use of the support of the Czar of that country. His few months at Paris taught him the weaknesses of the Emperor of the French, Napoleon III. Both of these experiences were of incalculable value in his later experience. In 1857 Frederick William IV became incapacitated and his brother Prince William became Regent and remained in that position until 1861 when he, William, himself assumed the throne. "When summoned to the throne, William was already sixty years old, and was inclined to consider the book of his life as good as written. In this he was mistaken; and the fame which he harvested in the long reign of thirty years was not so wholly thrust upon him as is sometimes represented."

One of the first aims of the new king was to increase and better 'à outrance-at the very beginning.

The Army

Bill of
William I.

the army. As a result of this we have the army bill of William I. This had for its aim in the first place the increasing of the number of regiments bringing the army in line with the increase in population. Secondly, the recruit was to serve from his twentieth year for three years for the colors unless he were a graduate of a high school. His next four years were to be passed in the Reserve subject to immediate call in case of war. From that the soldier went to the Landwehr for five years and could be summoned only in case of actual need. He continued a member of this until he was thirty-nine years of age when he became a part of the Landsturm which could be called out only in case of actual rebellion. In 1861 when the army bill came up in the Prussian legislative assembly for a second time, the members refused their consent unless certain changes were made in its provisions. This resulted in a serious conflict between the king and parliament. The king was unable to settle the problem and this resulted, as a last resort, in his calling Bismarck to the position of prime minister.

The new premier determined to carry through the army bill at all hazards. It was at this time that he delivered his famous statement: "But Prussia must keep her strength intact for the favorable moment which is too often missed. Prussia's boundaries are not favorable to the development of a strong body politic. Not through fine speeches and majority resolutions will the question of the hour be decided that was the mistake of 1848 and 1849-but by iron and blood." This attitude gained for Bismarck the enmity of the liberal element in Germany but he determined to carry through his plans to develop a strong army because he thoroughly believed that it would be through the army that the unification of Germany would result. This paved the way for German unity later in the conflict with Denmark and the Austro-Prussian war and finally the war with France. Bismarck was an opportunist. By this, one means that he trimmed his sails to the need of the moment. Nevertheless, he kept always in view his one aim, namely, the unification of Germany under the leadership of Prussia with its absolute monarch. In 1863 there came the Polish revolt against Russia. At this time Bismarck unlike the leaders of the other countries of western Europe, took the side of Russia. He had several purposes in view. Among them in the first place, was to place the Czar under obligation to him and to his country. In the second place, he feared that a revolt on the eastern frontier of Prussia might bring about a similar revolt in Germany itself. When, later, trouble came with Denmark, Bismarck was able to make use

of the aid which he gave Russia in '63 to prevent that country from joining the enemies of Germany.

There were three obstacles to German nationality which Bismarck had to confront. One was the attitude of the liberal party which

Obstacles to

German
Unity.

wished the unification of Germany under the control of the German Confederation, in other words, a revised parliament similar to that at Frankfort; the second, was the fact that Austria was still in the ascendency. This element must be eliminated; and the third, was the attitude of the individual states towards any centralized authority. Bismarck was strongly opposed to the union of the states unless it was under the leadership of Prussia. "Prussians," he said, "we are and Prussians we will remain." And again quoting him: "What has preserved us is that which is specifically Prussian. It was the attachment of the Prussian people to their hereditary dynasty; the old Prussian virtues of honor, loyalty, obedience and courage which, eminating from the officers and from its bone and marrow, permeated the army down to the youngest recruit." Again he says: "Let Prussia be firm and they (the German states) will turn to her for support and she will once more be able to command a majority of the Diet."

Aims of
Bismarck.

.

.

At the beginning his primary aim was to eliminate Austria; to make Prussia by the process of natural selection the sole leader of the new Germany. This opportunity came when trouble arose with Denmark over the provinces of SchleswigHolstein. This will not be discussed in detail but it will simply be shown that Bismarck in this controversy was able to make use of the re-organized army and to bring about the elimination of Austria from German affairs. The story does not need repeating how through the war with Denmark, Bismarck brought Prussia into war with Austria. The Danish war had two inevitable results: (1) the danger of the old German Confederation, and (2) the elimination of Austria. As a result of this war, Prussia was led to war with Austria. Contrary to the expected belief of Europe, Austria was defeated and Prussia came out the real leader of Germany. Some of the other states, members of the German Confederation, united with Austria. Bismarck brought about his agreement with Victor Emmanuel by which Italy declared war on Austria. "The war was short and sharp. Within six weeks not Austria only but Germany, lay prostrate under the heel of Prussia. Peace was signed at Prague. Austria was to recognize the breaking up of the old German Confederation and 'consent to a new organization in Germany without the participation of the imperial Austrian state.' Venetia must go to Italy. For the rest, Bismarck wished to

treat Austria with all the leniency which was compatible with the permanent objects of the war. The indemnity was a light one, and at Austria's special request, the integrity of Saxony was respected. Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, the free city of Frankfort-on-theMain, together with the Danish Duchies, were annexed to Prussia; but by Article V it was provided that the populations of the northern districts of Schleswig should be reunited to Denmark if by a free vote they expressed a wish to be. All the states north of the Main were to form a Northern German Confederation under the hegemony of Prussia; the southern states were to be permitted to form an association of their own. Their relation to the northern Confederation was subsequently to be determined." By the seven weeks' war with Prussia, Austria was eliminated from the German Confederation and the new confederation of all the states north of the Main was established. The constitution was drawn up with the King of Prussia as president; with two houses, the upper house, the Bundesrat, and the lower house, the Reichstag. Bismarck as chancellor of Prussia became chancellor of the new confederation. Shortly before assuming the premiership of Prussia he is said to have visited London and spoken to Disraeli, the famous English statesman, as follows: "I shall soon be compelled to undertake the leadership of the Prussian government. My first care will be, with or without help of parliament, to reorganize the army. The King has rightly set himself this task. He cannot, however, carry it through with his present councillors. When the army has been brought to such a state as to command respect, then I will take the first opportunity to declare war with Austria, burst asunder the German Confederation; bring the middle and smaller states into subjection and give Germany a national union under the leadership of Prussia."

All these he had accomplished with the exception of uniting the southern states under the leadership of Prussia. Rather than do this by means of treaties, he preferred to bring war about with France. The opportunity came with a vacancy on the throne of Spain. Bismarck, as has been proved by Lord Acton, put forward to bring trouble with France the candidacy of Leopold Hohenzollern who twice refused the throne.

Upon the request of Napoleon III, King William of Prussia agreed that Leopold should not accept the throne of Spain but later when Napoleon's ambassador at Ems demanded that no Hohenzollern should ever rule over Spain, the King of Prussia sent this message to Bismarck. Bismarck has given to the world the unscrupulous message by which he aided this deception, thus flaunting, as he said,