ember, 1916, the charge was made directly that the premier, Sturmer, was not loyal to the allies, and his dismissal was demanded by both the Duma and the army officials. Little was accomplished, however, by his dismissal for his place was at once given to Trepov, a reactionary, who became largely a figure head, and the intrigues went on until it was rumored that Sturmer was to be sent to Sweden as Russian ambassador, which was taken to mean that the time for the government's peace with Germany had arrived. This news produced a demand for its denial by the government from both Duma and Imperial Council. The Council was jealous of the influence of the church with the Czar, as exercised by its leaders, Protopopov, the head of the church, and Rasputin, the monk, priest of the Czarina, since these men practically destroyed the Council's influence. Early in January 1917 the Czar dismissed the hostile members of his council and replaced them by strong reactionaries, while the opening of the Duma was postponed until February. So ominous was the situation, so tense the feeling against the government when the Duma met, that Kerensky, the leader of the Social Democrats was able to say, "We have a still greater enemy than the German influence, than the teaching and treason of individuals. And that enemy is the system-the system of a mediaeval form of government. Thus, Socialists, government and middle classes from one cause or another were forcing the revolution; above all, the government was the guilty party, for of all the classes, the aristocratic group alone were really pro-German and the revolution of March, 1917, was primarily in its beginnings a protest against pro-Germanism. The government's condemnation by Kerensky was the announcement of the revolution. On March 7th, strikes began in Petrograd. The Revolution of 1917. Within a short time industry was very largely stopped. Nevertheless, there were no conflicts until the 11th for the strikers were kept well in hand. Soon it became evident that the soldiers called to the capital to quell the strikers would not oppose the people. Regiment after regiment refused to fire on the people and the police were helpless. Such regiments as tried to obey the government were taken in hand by the revolting regiments. In the meantime the Duma resolved to sit continually, and spent its time in denouncing the government and demanding reforms. On the 11th of March a telegram was sent the Czar who was with the army, asking him to name some one to represent him whom the people would hear. On the 12th, the people stormed the palace where the Duma sat and demanded to know the mind of that body. The So Spargo, Bolshevism, pp. 119-120. cialist members addressed the people and begged them to maintain order, promising them that the Duma would act. That afternoon the "Duma Committee of Safety" of twelve members were appointed to take charge of the government. At the same time a hastily formed committee of the workers met and issued a call for an immediate election by the workers, of delegates for a workmen's council. This Council was elected and met that same evening, March 12th. At this meeting a demand was made for a constituent assembly on the basis of equal, direct and secret universal suffrage. Two days later the Duma Council and the Council of Workmen and Deputies negotiated with each other trying to find a common ground of action. The next day an agreement was reached and announced to the people that it had been decided to depose the Czar, to establish a provisional government and proceed to arrange for a constituent assembly to determine the future government of Russia. The provisional government organized gave most of the power into the hands of the middle class, only Kerensky representing the Social Democrats, and the government was therefore not in favor with the radical elements. The organization of the provisional government and the announcement of its program produced no enthusiasm among the people. They were too well accustomed to hearing programs announced and they were not at all satisfied with the provisional government. The provisional government was at once recognized by the Allies and set to work to retrieve the situation. They pledged themselves to the continuance of the war, announced a very liberal policy and gave entire freedom of speech, of assembly and of the press. Milyukov arranged all matters of foreign relations with the Allies and in accordance with the request of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, asked the Allies for a restatement of their war aims. The attempt was made, with some success, to reorganize transportation, to strengthen munition manufactures and to arm the soldiers as well as to distribute the food supply and to secure a better supply for distribution. All the ministries exerted themselves to the utmost, but the government was doomed from the beginning. First of all, its policies were not definite nor were its leaders united. They did not have the confidence of the people. The government had been largely paralyzed by the revolution and it was not easy to get it. back into its normal order. Moreover, the revolution had greatly emphasized the activity of the Bolshevist faction and the early return of its leaders and thefreedom of activity made them many deciples and interfered with the government at every turn. But, worst of all, the estab lishment of the Provisional Government had left alive and active the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies. This body professed to accept the provisional government but continued its own activities independently, offered advice and threats and embarrassed the government at every turn. The organization of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies Council of was based upon election by the trades and professions thus creating the Soviet organization of Russia for political purposes. This further enabled the radical elements to develop activities in the local individual Soviets, so that ere long their influence, due not to numbers but to their knowledge of political methods, became strong. Unfortunately this Council stood behind the scenes, took no responsibility for its advice and was therefore the bolder in giving advice. One of the first places where it made its influence felt was in the 'See pp. 304-306. army; through the demand for the dismissal of most of the higher officers and the propagation of revolutionary ideas among the men, the army was quickly and completely disorganized. The war minister of the first Provisional Government, Gutchkoff, resigned rather than bear the responsibility for the complete disorganization of the army, while Milyukov, the minister of foreign affairs, was forced to resign about the same time, early in May 1917. Kerensky, who replaced Milyukov as minister of foreign affairs, remained in office from May 20th until November 7th, though he presented his resignation very soon after taking office. His failure was due primarily to two causes. First of all he and his ministry, although made up from all the groups of the socialist, Kerensky. except the Bolshevists, failed to secure the confidence of the people or to unify the various socialist elements. His failure was also due to the calling of a great conference in Moscow in August, which though it agreed upon important questions seemed only to strengthen the lines of cleavage; and enabled the Bolshevik element to develop strength from the conference's weakness. On the other hand, Kerensky was too late to stop the revolutionary process in the army. For a time, he and Kornilov worked in harmony, but by the time the first effects of their work could be seen, Kornilov became suspicious of the government and revolted. This revolt was the end, for, though it was easily put down, it so effectually put an end to the work of remaking the armies that the provisional government was helpless. Kerensky kept up the fight until November, but an attack by the Red Guards and Bolsheviki on November 6th carried the day and the social democratic control gave way to Bolshevism. During the revolution of 1905 was organized in Petrograd a committee of the representatives of labor. Of course, this committee was The Organization of Revolutionary Russia. 5 arbitrarily appointed but the basis of its organization was to be found in the fact that it represented the workmen of Petrograd. Before the revolution came to an end this committee or council became representative of all the principal factories in and near the capital, and similar councils were formed in many of the other cities of Russia. When the revolution of 1917 became a reality there was again formed this representative council of the workmen. Its strength lay in the fact that the people wanted it, to take the place of the old economic administration which was now discarded. The principle of 5 This is the origin of the idea of the "Soviet," the word is Russian and means "Council" or "Committee." The Soviet is a council of workingmen chosen to represent a single trade or many trades. In the latter case the Soviet is made up of delegates chosen by each trade to be represented. |