Pronouncement of Monroe President Monroe, however, was awake to the situation, and without infringing upon the policy of no entangling alliances as set by Washington, issued the statement, which we have since known as the Monroe Doctrine. Its design was to make clear to European powers the attitude of the United States toward the interference of the Alliance in matters pertaining to the American continents. Doctrine. Objects of Doctrine. The Doctrine had two very simple and clear objects in view: first, it was a protest against any attempt of an European power to secure territory in the new world at any future time; second, it was a protest against any future attempt of an European power to introduce the continental system of government or absolute monarchy into any territory of the new world. Both objects aimed primarily at the defense of the United States. It was not sympathy for the struggling states of South America that was the sole motive of the proclamation. To be sure, both government and people did sympathize with a struggle so strongly resembling the one which they had so recently fought, yet it was the defense of the United States which prompted the declaration. This is seen in the cabinet discussions preceding the statement of the doctrine, and in the document, which is quoted in part: "At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiations the respective rights and interests of the two nations of the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal had been made by His Imperial Majesty for the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the best undertanding with his government. the discussions to which this interest has arisen and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the right and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power. In "In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to theinselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously men aced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movement in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of all the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of an European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security." The nation was new and its form of government untried on so large a scale. It was not difficult to recognize that every approach of the European powers into the territory of the New World of the development of their despotic form of government therein was a menace to the newly established republican ideas in the United States. If, therefore, it is correct to view the statement of the Monroe Doctrine as the public declaration of our attitude toward foreign powers, it will readily be acknowledged that its evolution is simply the evolution of the foreign policy of a gradually expanding and developing nation. Already in Monroe's time it was seen that trouble could best be avoided by taking cognizance of the lands beyond our own borders from which troubles were likely to come. If England resented the independent attitude of the United States she recognized clearly enough that the declaration was a strong support to her own position and rendered her the necessary aid in bring Effect of ing to naught the plans of Continental Europe. Spain continued her attempt to coerce the rebellious states, but the Quadruple Alliance accepted the situation and refrained from giving aid, and through the efforts of the American officials, Spain finally gave up the struggle in order to make safe the territories still left her in western waters. Pronouncement of Doctrine With the tacit acceptance on the part of foreign powers of a distinct American policy, the United States had taken its first and most important step in securing recognition as a member of the company of great nations. The Monroe Doctrine was the national policy of a state now for the first time becoming a power among the great states of a civilized world. Moreover, the high moral purpose of the declaration was to set a new standard among states, so largely was it dominated by a spirit of extreme unselfishness. While defending the place and position of the United States, it was at the same time the recognition of a chance for the new and weak state to make a place for itself among the brotherhood of states. It was, too, the most important blow given to the purpose of the Quadruple Alliance, which was assuming the control of the internal affairs of all states, in order to see the idea of absolute government sustained and perpetuated. President Monroe's declaration was aimed at intrigue intended to uphold and perpetuate the European system in America, where there was no sympathy for it. His message was intended to make America safe for democracy; to make America a safe place for the trial of the high purpose of recognizing the civil rights and the political privileges of every man, high or low, as well as to provide that every man might have the right to the "pursuit of happiness" in his own way, so far as this was compatible with the recognition that the South American states had a right to be masters of their own destiny. The Interpretation of Doctrine by The Spanish-American states had looked longingly to the American states for sympathy and support. Their representation had strongly urged political as well as financial aid from the northern state. One after another the Spanish-American states had sought to secure order and power by the acceptance of the form of government of the United States, so that in 1823 America presented almost a solid phalanx of the republican form of government. South • None of the newly organized states read the Monroe Doctrine too carefully. For all of them the message was one of alliance with the state that had already recognized the belligerent character of their independence. This tendency to read their own interpretation into the doctrine was very general among the struggling states and certainly gave to them all a new hope in quite an inverse ratio to the despondency created among the advocates of the old-world policy. The Monroe in Adams' tion. Hardly had President Monroe given place to President Adams when the administration was asked to interpret the American Doctrine. Brazil, not yet recognized by Portugal as independent, sought an alliance with the United States to secure this recognition. The Secretary of State, Mr. Clay, refused the alliance. While maintaining the principle of former president Monroe's statement, he declared: "If there should be a renewal of demonstrations on the part of the European Allies against the independence of American States, the President would give to the condition of things every consideration which its importance would undoubtedly demand." In his instruction to our Mexican minister he asked him especially to call to the attention of the Mexican government the message of Mr. Monroe and to ask the coöperation of Mexico in asserting the same principles. Then, since the situation of Cuba continued to be serious, he added, "The United States have no desire to aggrandize themselves by the acquisition of Cuba, and yet if that island is to be made a dependency of any one of the American states, it is impossible not to allow that the law of its position proclaims that it should be attached to the United States." He asserted that the United States would have just cause for alarm should Cuba pass to the possession of any other European power, and while the United States "are not disposed themselves to interfere with the present actual state they could not see with indifference any change (even American) that may be attempted in it." In this case Mr. Clay made an interpretation of the Doctrine not necessary in the time of President Monroe. First of all, the United States could not view without apprehension the transfer of an European colony to another European state, and likewise, in this particular case, of Cuba to an American state other than the United States. In connection with suspicion aroused by the presence of a French fleet in the West Indies and a French convoy of Spanish transports the United States secured from France a disavowal of intent to take possession of Cuba and a promise that in the future the presence of such a fleet in American waters should be preceded by an explanation of its purpose. These negotiations elicited from Clay, Secretary of State, a statement of President Adams' interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine. This interpretation was doubly important since the President, having been Secretary of State under President Monroe, was able to give the Doctrine another meaning intended by its creator: "The United States have contracted no engagement, nor made any pledge to the governments of Mexico and South America or to either of them. . . . but if indeed an attempt by force had been made by allied Europe to subvert the liberties, etc... the people of the United States would have stood pledged, in the opinion of the executive, not to any foreign state but to themselves and to their posterity, by the dearest interests, and highest duties, to resist to the utmost such attempt.' The Monroe Doctrine in Polk's Administration. The administration of President Polk saw the rise of many embarrassments in our foreign relations. He had been elected upon a platform prepared in the interests of the annexation of Texas to prevent her by alliance or other expedient from embroiling us with European powers. There had been some apprehension on that arrangement with Spain. Great Britain was preparing for a possible occupation of the Isthmus of Panama. Our representative in Venezuela reported a South American congress called to oppose the advance of the United States upon the American continent. There was much anxiety regarding the destiny of California, "which Santa Anna had recently offered to cede to England." These matters coming in connection with the Mexican war, and many others of serious import forced the president to invoke again the aid of of the Monroe Doctrine. While trying to instil into the South American states a desire for a distinct American policy he renewed his assertions that "It is well known to the American people and to all nations that this Government has never interfered with the relations subsisting between our governments. We have never made ourselves parties to their wars or their alliances; we have not sought their territories by conquest; we have not mingled with parties in their domestic struggles; and believing our own form of government to be the best, we have never attempted to propagate it by intrigues, by diplomacy, or by force. We may claim on this continent a like exemption from European interference. The nations of America are equally sovereign and independent, with those of Europe. They possess the same right, independent of all foreign interposition to make war, to conclude peace, and to regulate their internal affairs. The people of the United States cannot therefore, view with indifference attempts of European powers to interfere with the independent action of the nations on this continent. The American system of government is entirely different from that of Europe. Jealousy among the different sovereigns of Europe, lest any one of them might become too powerful for the rest, has caused them anxiously to desire the establishment of what they term the 'balance of power.' It cannot be permitted to have any application on the North American continent, and especially to the United States. |