ish population at Kisheneff, or to join in the protest to King Leopold of Belgium relative to the so-called Congo atrocities. No wonder the India Brahman told the Reverend Dr. R. S. MacArthur, of Calvary Baptist Church, New York, on the occasion of his recent visit to Calcutta, to tell "your missionaries to go home and teach your American savages to observe religion and law. Yours is the only country that burns men at the stake." Assuredly, our spirit of American boastfulness must take serious pause when we consider our national situation in regard to this negro question, and read of the frequent barbarities visited upon this generally inoffensive and unresisting people, of which the hangings, burnings, and banishments of Springfield, Illinois, last summer, furnish the most recent example. When we raise our voice in favor of the oppressed in any other land, what moral force can we bring to the subject, what influence can we hope to command? Will not the answer invariably be, "Look at your own treatment of the negro"? And had the nation as many mouths as Hydra that answer would stop them all. No; the presence of the negro problem unsolved deprives our republican example of all just influence throughout the world; enables the enemies of free institutions with plausibility to taunt us with hypocrisy and incapacity for honest dealing; causes the real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity, and gives to every man who appreciates the meaning of the vast difference between our professions and our practices a feeling of humiliation at the lack of intelligence and capacity which we have thus far exhibited in dealing with this subject. Despite the numerous wars of the past decades and the newspaper predictions of the imminency of future conflicts, the spirit of the nations is inclined toward peace. In the great developments of that spirit of concord this country must in the future take a leading part. In the substitution of the principle of arbitration in place of war, in the coming voluntary or involuntary reduction of armaments, and in the introduction of the principle of federation among the nations, our numbers, wealth, and spiritual development should enable us to assume a natural hegemony. But so long as our treatment of the negro race is stamped by the injustice to which the black man is everywhere subjected throughout the land, so long will our moral influence among the nations suffer impairment, and we shall fall correspondingly short of capacity for achievement. The nation, as well as the individual seeking to invoke the jurisdiction of an equitable forum, must approach the tribunal with unstained hands. CHAPTER I THE SOLUTION OF THE SOUTH There can be no place for a disfranchised peasantry in the United States. JAMES A. GARFIELD. At the South the whole community is cut in twain along the color line; only at the bottom, among the shadows of crime, do the races mingle; in real life their bond is becoming more and more purely economic, at the top among the better elements of both races there is little communication.-PROFESSOR W. E. BURGHARDT DuBois. The Southern white men and women who have for forty years resisted in every possible way this doctrine of the equality of the races are just as resolved now as they have always been not to submit to it or its results. They are resolved to maintain control of their State governments and to prevent in every way possible social and political equality, with the inevitable destruction of their civilization which would follow if they yielded. The conditions are growing more and more aggravated every day. Race antagonism increases in intensity. Are things to drift until direful tragedies multiply on every hand and blood shall flow like water? Is the statesmanship of our time inadequate to cope with this question, just as the statesmanship of 1860 failed to prevent the dire catastrophe of civil war? That war was fought to settle the race question, but forty years after its termination we find conditions more threatening in some of their aspects than they were in 1861.-SENATOR BENJAMIN R. TILLMAN, Speech in U. S. Senate, January 12, 1907. ONSIDERING for a moment the perilous gravity CON of the problem hereinbefore outlined, our first impression would naturally be that an imperative demand for its immediate solution would long since have arisen, |