will enable him to look beyond the dangers and difficulties of his present situation, and clearly to perceive in mental vision the possibilities awaiting his race in the African Fatherland.

CHAPTER IV

OBJECTIONS TO BE CONSIDERED

Our doubts are traitors,

And make us lose the good we oft might win,

By fearing to attempt.

Measure for Measure.

DOUBTLESS Lincoln found objectors to his plan of

compensated emancipation followed by colonization. We have no record of any of his discussions upon the subject except the one with General Butler already quoted, but beyond question in his consultations with intimate friends, perhaps with Seward, Chase, and Montgomery Blair, objections to the project, as impracticable on account of expense or for other reasons, were presented. None of these, however, appears to have shaken his faith in the feasibility of the proposition.

Character of Objections.

Objections there are, of course-objections of sentiment, objections of interest, objections of ignorance, objections of mere inertia. Did none of these exist, the plan of Lincoln would have been long since adopted and executed, and the country would to-day be rejoicing in the result of the solution of the problem. The principal objections likely to be urged in opposition to the adoption of any radical and far-reaching solution of the negro problem are those originating in the lack of understanding of the momentous character of the question involved, and in the natural inertia of a people engrossed in the pursuit of their individual enterprises, and entirely oblivious to the

present necessity of adopting a concerted policy in regard to the future of the negro race.

Further than this, as the proposed plan involves a complete change of thought in regard to the question from that hitherto prevailing either in the North or in the South, it is not to be expected that it will fail to encounter opposition from those wedded to extremely conservative views upon this as well as upon other questions demanding liberality of treatment.

However, we are fortunately not without conspicuous examples of complete changes of national thought in relation to affairs of great moment in our development. Our entire national progress has been marked by an orderly transition from a loosely associated community of discordant states to a system of centralized governmental authority. Within the past half-century we have abandoned the primitive theory of securing efficient railway transportation by a process of competitive development, and adopted in its place a system of governmental supervision and regulation as better adapted for the fulfilment of the purposes of our national highways. In like manner, compelled by the very necessities of our development, we have abandoned our original theory of the establishment of a policy of isolation in respect to the other nations of the earth, and have assumed our rightful position as one of the influential world powers, accepting duties and responsibilities impossible of evasion. If, as the writer maintains, experience has conclusively demonstrated the futility of longer attempting to solve the negro problem upon the lines heretofore principally discussed, to persevere in the effort for the sake of consistency would certainly be a course of conduct unworthy of an intelligent people.

Now, while the proposed plan, based upon Lincoln's theory for the solution of the problem, is not claimed to be

of novel character, it may confidently be asserted that such a proposition has never yet reached the stage of general discussion, and so far as known, the objections urged against its feasibility have never been subjected to the scrutiny necessary to determine their validity. In a word, whenever the proposition has been tentatively presented, those who by reason of insufficient reflection upon the subject or on considerations of self-interest have opposed its adoption on account of its alleged impracticability, lacking sufficient argument to establish conviction upon that point, have contented themselves by endeavoring to dispose of the subject by a passing phrase. Instances may be cited from current discussion.

The
Project un-

ized.

The Reverend Washington Gladden characterizes all schemes of colonization as "idiotic." Mr. Charles A. Gardner pronounces them "visionary and chimerical." President Charles W. Eliot, of Harvard, says favorably "they are not desirable." Thomas Nelson Page Character- says separation is "Utopian." Ex-Governor William D. Jelks, of Alabama, in like manner, pronounces colonization "idiotic." Professor William E. Burghardt DuBois employs the adjective "unthinkable." Professor Kelly Miller denounces such plans as the "climax of absurdity." President Booker T. Washington sees "insurmountable obstacles" attending the exodus of his race, and says that any project of colonization is "chimerical." The Honorable William H. Fleming writes that "physical facts alone prevent deportation." Mr. Gilchrist Stewart says the project is "absolutely impossible." "Utterly fatuous," said President-elect Taft in his speech at the North Carolina dinner in New York, December 7, 1908, evidently having given but cursory thought to the proposition. Mr. George S. Merriam, at the close of his discussion, somewhat hysterically concludes that "colonization is impossible."

Ray Stannard Baker, whose careful study of the problem should have led him to the truth, dismisses the subject in a paragraph as "extraordinary." 'extraordinary." And so, in varying phrases of rejection, but without offering reasons therefor, these and others who should be best qualified to pass enlightened judgment on the subject under inquiry array themselves in opposition to the project which to Lincoln seemed so reasonable and beneficent.

Let us, therefore, devote some serious consideration to the various objections against this radical and admittedly effective solution of the problem, which in one form or another are urged as insurmountable. On close examination, they will be found to arrange themselves in two classes:

First,-Objections directed against the nature of the solution itself, either attacking it as to its equitable character or questioning the possibility of its execution; and

Second,-Objections relating to the difficulty of securing the acceptance of the proposed solution by the American people, and to putting it into operation, based either upon the assumed indifference of the whole people or the fancied interests of those likely to be injured by its operation.

I

Taking up first in natural order those objections which may be advanced against the justice and feasibility of the proposed solution, we find them to be in general as follows:

Objections as to

Justice.

(1) To a certain class of minds the proposition of deportation in any form will present itself as inherently wrong as contemplating a violation of the primary rights of the individual negroes now enjoying the privilege of citizenship in our country. If it indeed be the case that the proposed solution involves the violation of human rights, and that any scheme of assisted emigration necessitates wrong