CHAPTER I THE DOOR OF HOPE FOR THE NEGRO I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization is that the free colored man cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You may believe that you can live in Washington, or elsewhere in the United States, the remainder of your life as easily, perhaps more so, than you can in any foreign country; and hence you may come to the conclusion that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a foreign country. This is (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the case. You ought to do something to help those who are not so fortunate as yourselves. There is an unwillingness on the part of our people, harsh as it may be, for you free colored people to remain with us. Now, if you could give a start to the white people, you would open a wide door for many to be made free. If we deal with those who are not free at the beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by slavery, we have very poor material to start with. If intelligent colored men, such as are before me, would move in this matter, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that we have men at the beginning capable of thinking as white men, and not those who have been systematically oppressed. There is much to encourage you. the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your present comfort for the purpose of being as grand in that respect as the white people. It is a cheering thought throughout life that something can be done to ameliorate the condition of those who have been subject to the hard usages of the world.-ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Address to negroes, Aug. 14, I 1862. For N these few well judged remarks the sympathetic President pointed out to the representatives of the negro race the opportunity then presented to them to assume leadership of their downtrodden people, and the duty devolving upon them to sacrifice, for the moment, ease and comfort, in order to assure to themselves and their posterity the ultimate benefits offered by his plan for colonization. In the preceding chapters no effort has been spared to impress upon the reader the weighty character of the problem, the insistent demand for its solution, and the inadequacy of the currently proposed remedies. In the last preceding book, the writer sought to point out in what manner and with what difficulties an adjustment of the vexatious race problem may be effected, and to meet such objections as might be plausibly advanced against the adoption and execution of the plan proposed by Abraham Lincoln. This task having been in a measure accomplished, the endeavor will now be made to establish that the adoption and fulfilment of the plan would be followed by results more than commensurate with the expense and difficulty of carrying it into execution. For in such a weighty matter, concerning the interests of nearly ninety million people, and involving a complete readjustment of economic conditions throughout an important section of the country, as well as the expenditure of immense sums of money for its effectuation, the most careful forethought should be exercised to ascertain what results are likely to ensue from the adoption of so radical a measure, and whether the advantages to be derived will repay the labor and outlay. All the more is this the case as the plan proposed will require on the part of the members of the race most intimately concerned a radical change of attitude toward their future development in spirit as well as in location. Now, what in general, will be the result of the prosecution of such an enterprise, unparalleled in its character and Negro magnitude in the annals of mankind? Prethe Princi- liminarily, it may be noted that in the majority pal Object. of plans presented based upon the solution of the Betterment |