contribution of Northern influence and character, in Hamilton, Webster, Lincoln, Seward, and Grant, the South exhibits but the most insignificant interest.

No worthy representation in marble or bronze of the world-honored Emancipator adorns a Southern city; the mighty presence of the great expounder of the Constitution is unfamiliar to the present generation in the South. Forced into this false attitude toward the development of the higher national life, we find her people compelled to elevate upon the pedestals of heroism the figures of a doctrinaire, whose sincerity of purpose failed to atone for lack of possession of the necessary qualifications of the statesman or administrator; and a distinguished soldier whose personal charm and noble bearing alike in victory or defeat will never blind the future historian to the limitations of military ability which precluded him from commanding victory for the cause which he had mistakenly espoused.

Let us make this point clear. The averment is that the existence of an alien negro element, with its attendant consequences, estranges the section where it is mainly found from the other parts of the country. Only with the removal of that element can that estrangement cease, and closer and more natural relations be formed. With this removal effected, there would no longer be occasion for the Governor of a Southern State to announce to his applauding constituents in formal debate, that he "would sooner live under the Stars and Bars with Jefferson Davis as President than under the Stars and Stripes with Theodore Roosevelt as Chief Executive"; or for his equally prominent antagonist in like manner to refer to the people of the North as "South-haters" and "our enemies."

With the gradual disappearance of the negro under the operation of Lincoln's plan, and the surcease of the pernicious racial strife which has so long operated alienate

the South in feeling from the other sections, this sentiment of latent hostility would vanish, to be succeeded by the fullest rehabilitation, founded upon unity of interest, sentiment, and affection, thus effecting the realization of the "more perfect union" of which our forefathers dreamed and for which they so mightily endeavored.

CHAPTER III

THE REGENERATION OF THE NATION

That our sons may grow up as the young plants; and that our daughters may be as the polished corners of the temple.— PSALM CXliv., 12.

IN

our discussion of the results which would be produced

by the adoption and execution of the plan for the solution of the negro problem proposed by Abraham Lincoln, we have considered in the first instance the transformation of character and general emancipation of spirit which would result to the race most intimately concerned in the solution of the problem. We have also given consideration to the ameliorating consequences which the departure of the negro would bring about in that section of our country which from the very inception of the problem has been the greatest sufferer from the presence of this alien, unassimilable race.

We have seen that the consequences of the proposed solution would be the emancipation of the South from the cloud of distrust and difficulty with which it is peculiarly menaced, that its unfortunate isolation would immediately cease upon the adoption and execution of the proposed plan for the removal of the negro race, and that it would no longer continue to be, as it is now, a separate and distinct section and community of the nation. In other words, its character as a non-homogeneous portion of the national domain would pass away, and in the same sense that there is now no distinctive and characteristic feature of difference

existing between the North and the East, Lincoln's solution would efface the dividing line which has existed between the two sections, North and South, from the very origin of our nationality.

A Homo

Nation.

In the former chapter entitled "Why Attempt to Solve the Problem at All?" the reasons have been presented which so urgently demand that some action be taken in order geneous that the dangers and difficulties therein depicted may pass away. And so, in a general way, this chapter, which discusses the regeneration of the nation and the changes of character incident to the elimination of the negro as a factor in our civilization, will concern itself chiefly with the beneficent results which will certainly follow the eradication of the evils attendant upon the presence of the negro, which it was attempted to place before the reader earlier in the work.

One of the discouraging features of the current discussion of the problem is the tacit assumption on the part of all concerned that the negro must remain with us, and that with him must indefinitely remain all the admitted evils of his presence, however zealously we may seek to lessen them. One after another of those who take it upon themselves to discuss in its familiar aspects the solution of this problem, begin with the statement that, great as the acknowledged evils are, and thankful as we would be to ascertain a practical remedy, we must for all time be burdened with the dangers and difficulties attending the presence of the negro.

In a recent issue of a magazine devoted to the welfare of the Southern community, the familiar note is sounded in this fashion: THE BLOOD-POISON OF SLAVERY AND NEGRO SUFFRAGE WILL AFFECT THE NATION FOR CENTURIES TO

COME. North and South, white and black, the advocates alike of the negro's education and elevation and the disparagers of his ability to advance himself, all in the same

hopeless and repining mood assume that this great obstacle to the advance of our civilization, this profound difficulty in our educational development, this minatory phase of our political condition, must indefinitely continue to exist, and that the best that we may do is in some slight measure to ameliorate the present situation. It would seem that, after serious study and reflection upon the subject, in the light of the experience of the past forty years, only the purblind or the prejudiced could cling to this antiquated theory, and ignore the fact that the radical solution of the problem may be clearly effected by the adoption of the policy proposed by Abraham Lincoln.

Let us, therefore, for the moment consider what results to the nation would ensue, what generic change of view of the problem would immediately follow the adoption of the remedial measure proposed in this work, viz., the complete elimination of all persons of African blood from citizenship of the country, and their assisted emigration to other soil.

Now, in the first place, it is self-evident that upon this measure being adopted and placed in execution, in the natural development now progressing by which every Caucasian element entering into our body politic is being fused into a homogeneous people, within a few generations we shall present to the world the impressive spectacle of a great people containing no discordant racial divisions. It is no exaggeration to say that all the other problems concerning the eventual character of the citizenship of our nation hinge upon our disposition of the African race.

Let it once be thoroughly understood and appreciated that this is to be now and forever in the noblest sense a white man's country; that only the Caucasian race in its numerous subdivisions is to be allowed to enter into the future citizenship of this prosperous

A White
Man's

Country.