trammels of slavery's best advocate, superstition, and unblest with remembrances of previously successful struggles with their monarchs for national freedom) they were, as yet, disposed to rejoice in the change of numerous absolute masters for the more unfelt, because more distant, domination of one.

In addition to the political circumstances of the times just enumerated, religious dissensions had been gaining ground during the entire reign of James; and had begun to cloud the language of nearly all ranks, including the very dregs of the populace, with a jargon (as by them adopted) of scriptural terms, before the commencement of that of his successor. The Reformation had been the original source and spur to these dissensions; but, as the Popish doctrines of that day were far more in unison with the royal pretensions of the same period than the Protestant, a leaning toward them was, and certainly with too much reason, suspected in the Church's Head; and the numerous ceremonies, savouring of Popery, suffered to be retained in her ritual, had already occasioned numbers to think it necessary seriously to set about reforming the Reformation itself. Religious enthusiasm, proceeding from its operation upon the sentiments and language, began rapidly to evince itself in the public and private

conduct of countless individuals, of whom many were returned as the popular representatives in Parliament. Strong natural faculties, united with ardent imaginations, as they were the most likely to become prominent in such times, were the most readily selected for this service by men, whose own feelings were strong, and who beheld in such representatives the fit vehicles of their expression. Assembled under these concurrent circumstances, the Commons, (though at first more willing to contest than hoping to obtain) being taught by the weakness of the monarch, at length looked around on the nation, and on each other, with the heartfelt assurance of a sympathetic, undefined, but irrepressible elation and expansion in the minds of all. In one auspicious moment, they became conscious of their whole strength; they saw that they united zeal, judgment, and capacity, sufficient to work out the restoration of their liberties in their own persons; they no longer required the intervention of a band of nobles, to shield them from the rays of majesty, when approaching its sanctuary, and requiring its compliance with their just demands; and intuitively perceiving, that changes of the most important character HAD taken place, in the constitution—in the great body of the people— in themselves—they rightly imputed the former

to the culpable ambition of their princes; but they erred in ascribing the latter to a cause religious for the most part rather than political; to a divine breathing on the country in their times, rather than to the natural aspirations of long dormant LIBERTY, now re-awakened, and on the eve of being restored, by GENERAL

OLIVER CROMWELL,

AND

HIS TIMES.

The Notes in this volume are arranged with a view to convenience in the perusal. When intimately connected with, or forming in fact a continuation of the subject matter from which they refer, (and not too long) they are placed at the foot of the page: when their connection with the text is remote, or when, from their length, or too frequent recurrence, they might prove disagreeable interruptions to the reader, the reference (by letters) is to their situation in the Appendix.

CHAPTER I.

FROM CROMWELL'S BIRTH TO HIS APPEARANCE

IN PARLIAMENT.

Brief View of his General Character-Birth and DescentJuvenilia-Enters the University of Cambridge-Early Irregularities-Marriage Supposed to become a Brewer at Huntingdon-Is twice elected a Member for that Borough -Moderate Conduct in Parliament.

Of all men living at the era of political and religious conflict just described, Oliver Cromwell was perhaps the best calculated, not merely to ride in the whirlwind and direct.