new Divisions have been added to our roster. This, in face of the fact that many men have been off altogether, or back on the extra list. We do not think that growth in membership and Divisions is an adequate indication of the growth of the Order, but that such growth should be regarded really as in an inverse ratio to its growth. That is to say, back of this increase in membership and Divisions is a cumulative drawing and impelling force which numbers does not represent, and which cannot be corrcetly represented but by a general survey of the influence and work of the Order now, and a retrospective review of it in the years during which its growth has been attaining the magnitude it now enjoys.

To our way of thinking each and every member of the Order should be familiar with the struggles through which the Order has passed-that knowledge, it appears to us, is a necessary pre-requisite to a proper appreciation of the privileges to be enjoyed by such membership, and a proper regard for the duties and obligations that membership in the Order entails. When placing the advantages of the Order before prospective members, it does not seem to us that, as a general thing, stress enough is laid on the fact that a man should give to the Order a vigorous and helpful fidelity, partially, at least, commensurate with the help and uplift he expects to receive. This, of course, aside from any question of sentiment, or sameness of occupation. While these sentiments are not to be ignored, still they would not generally form a sufficiently formidable barrier against the encroachments of powerfully intrenched corporate aggression, to give to the workers the consideration that their exertions cut in the industrial progress of the country. And, generally speaking, either before or after a man becomes a member of a labor organization, he should acquire a good working knowledge of the aims and purposes of organized labor. He should know something of the history of the trials and struggles of labor to get that fair consideration and remuneration which capital constantly refused to give. The labor problem should be thoroughly understood in all its bearings, and not regarded as simply a banding together of men for the purpose of getting a

few more dollars at the end of the month. The movement should be looked upon as a part of the moral, industrial and political history of the country, only that moralists and political economists who study them from an abstract point of view do not always agree with their methods. Or as a noted economist puts it: The problem is much like that of the older botany and zoology-with a difference. The zoologist collected his bugs and birds, named their parts, arranged them in families and genera, and praised God or nature (according to his bent) for their wonderful adaptations. But when the evolutionist-i. e., the zoological historian-came into the field, a broader explanation ensued. He saw the struggle for existence, over-population and under-consumption, maternal love and mutual aid, and he explained the claws and teeth of the tiger as well as the song of the bird. He neither approved nor praised-he understood. So in our organization; we stand for something more than a pay day, more than a job.

If we make resolves for the guidance of our future acts it would seem as if the noblest resolution that any citizen could make for the New Year would be the resolution to live more faithfully by the Golden Rule, that sublime guide of conduct for this world and for all worlds. But whether we make New Year resolutions or not it seems as if introspection and retrospection should engage our thoughts quite largely at such an opportune time of the year. While it is quite true that yesterday is gone, that tomorrow never comes, and that we have only today in which to live, nevertheless we have nothing but our todays and yesterdays with which to build for tomorrow, the next day, and eternity.

As it is customary for business men to take account of stock on the first of the year, so it is not a bad idea for every one to enter into a controversy with his soul concerning those things done during the past year which are worth while and those things which are not-do this and let the conscience sit as a grim obstinate sophist passing on the rectitude of action for the upbuilding of that temple not made with hands. It seems not an inapt thing to say that if we were as prone to pick to shreds

and analyze to the uttermost quad erat demonstrandum our own acts, thoughts and words, even as we do the acts, thoughts and words of others, the resultant would be a mighty uplift among the sons of men, a tremendous resultant for good will on earth and a peace that passeth understanding. This may seem a foolish dream, but the life of a nation is made up of the individual life of its individual members, and it is no better nor no worse than that life. It should be remembered as a New Year's dream, and as a never ending dream, that we, the nation, humanity does not stand still morally any more than physicallythere is no stagnation in the moral life of a nation or people any more than there is cessation in the operation of the organic or

inorganic laws of nature. We do not stand still, we go backward or forward. There is no such thing as absolute rest-immovability-in.all the wide universe of God.

The wish for better things is a natural one in the human heart, and at the beginning of this New Year THE CONDUCTOR extends to all members of the Order, the earnest wish and desire for better times, better laws, better conditions, better liveslives filled more fully with the things worth while. We indulge the hope and express the wish that the Order of Railway Conductors, and its intuitive helpmeet, the Ladies' Auxiliary, may prosper abundantly materially, and grow greatly in those sublime virtues of truth, charity and love.

In the October issue of the CONDUCTOR, we printed what appeared to us to be a very plain, straightforward statement of the aims and purposes of "The American Railway Employes and Investors' Association." It seems, however, that we did not make a bull's eye hit in our explanation, or in our use of the language we employed, as we have received several communications from members showing an understanding of the purposes of the Association entirely contrary to what they are. In order, therefore, to clear up any misunderstandings or misstatements, from whatever source obtained, we earnestly hope the members will take time to read what follows. Certainly, the declaration of its principles as formulated by the Association itself is ample evidence of its intentions, and we ask a careful perusal of them:

"Its purpose shall be, by all lawful methods, to cultivate and maintain between its members such a spirit of mutual interest and such concern on the part of all of them for the welfare and prosperity of American railroads as will best promote their successful and profitable operation, for the benefit alike of their employes, investors and the public;

"To encourage by every proper method, cordial and friendly feeling on the part of the public toward American railroads and their business;

"To publicly provide means and methods for obtaining consideration and hearing from all legislative bodies and commissions empowered to enact laws, rules and regulations affecting the conduct and operation of railroads;

"To do whatever lawful things may be necessary in order to secure a fair return alike to capital and to labor invested in American railroads, with due regard at all times to efficient service, fair treatment and safety to the public.

"This Association shall at no time be used for partisan political purposes, nor shall it take any part in controversies, if any, which may arise between railroad employes and railroad officials.

"Its membership shall consist of representatives of railroad employes and investors; and

"The by-laws of the Association shall make provision that each of the interests represented in the Association shall have an equal voice in the conduct of its affairs."

We would be at a loss to think of any

thing more eminently fair to all interests involved. Those who have given thought to the subject in the past know that the formation of this Association is the consummation of a hope long held by them, and the crystallization of sentiments often expressed by employer, employe, and all deep thinkers on the "labor and capital problem." Expressions similar in sentiment have been made on authority of our own Order and other organizations of railway labor long before the idea of the Association took definite shape. The Association has been founded on the basis that there is a mutuality of interests between the employes and the investors; that each is entitled to a fair return from the earnings of the properties -the employes in fair wages and proper working conditions for their labor and energies, the stockholders in dividends for their legitimate investments. Given a condition in which the railways can operate profitably, and both employes and investors will participate in the profits, the one in good wages and working conditions, the other in equitable dividends; but if from any cause the earnings are endangered, then both interests suffer, the employes, of course, more than the investors. Here, then, is where the need of co-operation between the two appears. They may differ and even quarrel as to the relative proportions due them from earnings, but there should be no difference between them as to their joint and natural resistance to agencies that are constantly at work to unjustly reduce rates and otherwise impose requirements that in the end operate to limit earnings to such a degree that all interested in railroading are made to feel their effects. There are associations of commerce, combinations of shippers, manufacturers' associations, and many others of the kind all organized to promote their special interests and all striving to secure advantage through reduced charges or other requirements by legislation, orders of commissions, or other regulative state and national bodies. At times these special interests' claims are disguised as reflecting "public sentiment," and here is where they are joined by a certain type of politician, the burden of whose song is, "Hit the Railroads and Hurt the Rich," on the basis that every time they cut a chunk of prosperity out of

the railways they are injuring some corporation or capitalist that the public is supposed to hate.

There are estimated to be from one and one-half millions to one and three-quarter millions (varying according to the fluctuations of business) of persons employed on the railways of the United States and dependent for their livelihood and that of their families on the "wages of labor." It doesn't require much study of economics to reason it out that if the railways are permitted to operate profitably (of course, with regard to the rights of the public), the employes should have their just share of the profits, but if the opposite conditions obtain and by legislative or other restrictive methods earnings are reduced and operations limited, the employes are bound to be sufferers.

The best paid wages of the railway employes of this country are none too highin many instances they are not what they should be, so that if we, as railway employes, expect to hold our own, to say nothing of bettering our condition, it behooves us to wake up and take notice of the things going on around us and which, if continued, will sooner or later have a vitally depressing effect on our employment. For every dollar earned by the railways, approximately sixty-seven cents goes to labor, and it ought not to be difficult to understand that of every dollar taken from the railroads by any combination of forces at work against them a proportionate amount is taken from labor, because there is no other place from which it can come.

The industrial trend of our day is toward co-operation wherever a mutual interest appears or wherever the need of mutual protection is apparent. That is why we must get together. The idea is not a new one.

As before stated, the principle on which the new Association is founded has been approved by our Order and by every organization in the service excepting those that proceed on the theory that there is a class struggle, a natural antagonism between employer and employe. We stand for the general welfare, and we do not think it fair, nor do we intend to submit to the policy, that all other interests shall prosper at the expense of the railway-the

one with which our employment and prosperity are inseparably associated.

The Association will not oppose or invade the jurisdiction of the established organizations of railway employes, nor will it interfere in any way with their legitimate affairs. On the contrary, it will seek their co-operation and that of every other employe in railway service. We indulge the hope that as its influence in its purpose to secure a square deal is felt, as it surely will be, it will make for a closer relationship between the railways and their employes and eventually a better appreciation of the employes' services. All of its transactions will be open and above-board, and by virtue of the provisions contained in its declaration of principles that the representatives of the employes will have equal voice with representatives of investors in its conduct, it is assured that its policy will at no time be made inimical to the interests of the employes. It will endeavor at all times to create a favorable sentiment on the part of the public toward the railways, and with this accomplished, the employes will benefit just as our members have benefited by public approval of the purposes and work of our organization. As it contemplates the mutual good of both employes and investors and as each will have an equal voice in its management, it is also arranged that each shall share in the cost of its maintenance.

Information regarding the Association and details as to organization, etc., will no doubt be made public shortly after the beginning of the new year, and when its purposes are thoroughly understood it is expected to enlist the co-operation of every railway employe in the United States, who is in accord with its principles, in active support of the movement.

When, in its declaration of intentions, the Association, through its organizers, stated

that one desire of the Association was "To encourage by every proper method, cordial and friendly feeling on the part of the public toward American railroads," one, at first blush, is inclined to ask if there is an unfriendly feeling towards the railroads in the public mind. Manifestly there is, and the best proof of it is a look at the legislation accomplished and attempted, both state and national, in recent years. In the public mind there seems to have grown up a feeling of hostility entirely at variance with that feeling of friendiiness and co-operation, which prevailed in the early stages of railroad building, and which was a large factor in placing this nation at the head of all nations in the blessings of transportation and all the advantages of civilization resulting therefrom. We firmly believe that the public mind has been poisoned against the railroads through real or imaginary impositions on it-impositions magnified by incompetent and unscrupulous politicians for their own gain.

The organizers of the Association were particularly anxious to avoid any possible charge that the influence of the Association should ever be used in any way for partisan political purposes. It is to be hoped that no misunderstanding shall exist on this point, because any attempt from any quarter to inject partisan politics into the workings of the Association would be rejected and condemned with the utmost vigor and dispatch. The Association has a legitimate and important function to perform in the business economy of the country and the intention of its organizers and all those who in any way have to do with shaping its destiny or furthering its usefulness are imbued with the hope and determination of making its fruitage as abundant as earnestness of purpose and endeavor will permit.

seemingly lost to all possibility in that quality. To our mind the other great thing to be accomplished by the juvenile courts is the fact that they separate the "beginners in sin" from those who have become hardened to the ways of vice and crime.

There seems to be as little sense or reason in placing first offenders in the company of hardened criminals as there would be in placing healthy people in the company of those with contagious diseases.

We are glad to note that Ben. J. Lindsey, running on an independent ticket, was reelected juvenile judge in Denver by 32,000 votes out of a total of 65,022 cast for three candidates for the office. The republican and democratic candidates ran about even, one securing 15,294 votes and the other 17,728. Judge Lindsey's plurality was thus 14,272, and he came within 1,022 of polling as many votes as his two opponents together. Some 3,000 scratched ballots intended for him were thrown out as defective, so that in reality more people tried to vote for him than for both the others.

Judge Lindsey's campaign lasted only three weeks, but it was a lively one, culminating on election day with boys at every precinct, who had played hookey from school, to work for him. The judge refused to permit any organized work by the

youngsters, but there was no stopping them. "The kids were everywhere," he writes. "It was mighty interesting to see these boys, particularly the bright Jewish boys, standing on a box talking to a crowd of factory operatives at the noon hour, telling them how to scratch their tickets."

Politicians had said that Judge Lindsey had no chance of election, not only on account of the organized opposition of both parties, but because of the difficulty of scratching the Colorado ballot. But it did not work out that way. It might be surmised that ballot scratching which can be explained in public by boys is not at any rate, it ought not to be-beyond the intelligence of a voter. Judge Lindsey was given a hearing in the churches and the women's clubs. Both helped him, but he was elected, he believes, by the votes of men and women who know his work either through its results in their own families or in the families of friends and neighbors. His term of office is for four years from January 1, 1909.

[Surely no New Year sermon could be purer or more to the point than the following drapery with which Brother Smithers has clothed it. We have placed this beautiful piece of word-painting in the Editorial part of the CONDUCTOR in the hope that more of the readers of the CONDUCTOR will see it.

The central thought is easily a beautiful precept to carry with us during all the years. We are sure that all members of the Order will join us in thanking Brother Smithers for his offering.-Ed.]

In conversation with a young lady some two weeks ago along religious lines, in the course of our conversation, I remarked that I thought that we allowed too much of the past to enter into the present of our lives, that we were assured "that as our day, so shall our strength be," and that I thought it required all of our energies and vitalities and strength to meet the conditions of the

present, and that we ought to live a day at a time. That brooding over yesterday's troubles, disappointments and worries seriously retarded or hindered us in meeting the conditions of today, and entered into our lives as an "alley" that robbed our lives of much usefulness and sweetness.

And I am indebted to her for the following beautiful thoughts suggested along these lines. She said that a lady friend of hers said that there were two golden days in every week; two days in the week upon which and about which she never worried. Two golden days, kept sacredly free from fear and apprehension. One of these days is yesterday. Yesterday, with all its cares and frets, with all its pains and sorrows, has passed forever beyond the power of my control, beyond the reach of my recall. I cannot recall a word that I said; cannot undo an act that I wrought; cannot calm a storm that raged on yesterday. All that