in writing, we are now likely to be over-run with infolence, and Billingfgate. But, furely, fuch licentiousness must be totally condemned by every friend to order and decency; and will be confidered as utterly incompatible with that liberality of character, and urbanity of deportment, which ought ever to diftinguish the man of letters from the clown! The Letter added, by way of fecond part, to this addrefs to Mr. G. G. was originally published in the Political Regifter for Novem. 1768; and contains a laboured defence of the public character and conduct of Mr. Wilkes. To this defence is added, an appendix, confifting of papers, by way of commentary or expofition, referred to in the two preceding letters: the whole forming a ftudied vindication of the political hero of our times, in refpect to the whole of his public deportment, from the day of his arreft by the general warrant, to the close of the year 1768. Art. 15. A feafonable Addrefs to the people of London and Middlefex, on the prefent critical fituation of affairs. 8vo 1 s. Becket. A fpecious declamation against Wilkes and his partifans. As a fpecimen, take what the author fays of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights: My fellow citizens of London and Middlesex, how can you be impofed upon by a few obscure and impudent perfons, who meeting at a tavern, are pleased to call themselves Supporters of the Bill of Rights. From whom are your rights in danger, but from fuch perfons and their accomplices? Are your rights in danger from every legal authority in the kingdom, and are they to be defended by John Wilkes, fq from his chambers in the King's Bench Prifon? Are they unfafe in the hands of parliament, and fafe in the hands of Delaval, Townfhend, Sawbridge, and Parfon Horne? In the name of common sense, if you have a mind to fport awhile with any matter of novelty, get an Elizabeth Canning, or a Cock-Lane ghoft; do not profane the Bill of Rights: do not turn your fuppofed liberty into diforder and folly: to give people of fober difpofitions a diftafte to the name of liberty, and to all the world a very just aversion to the ufe you make of it.' This minifterial writer, whoever he is, has a lively pen; and can exprefs himself with ease and elegance, notwithstanding one or two North British phrafes; but he has not, in his prefent production, entered very deeply into the argument. His fentiments, however, in regard to the prevailing humour for diffolving the parliament, deferve the reader's attention: I should be glad that parliaments were made triennial, or even annual, but I cannot defire that the honour of parliament should be facrificed to the spleen of discarded courtiers, who mean only to diftrefs government until they, or their friends, are taken into place: nor can I wish to facrifice the honour of parliament to the apprehenfions of a few, who, for aught I know, are fincere in alledging that our liberties are in danger. 6 Our liberties have been in danger formerly, when parliaments were diffolved upon every trifling offence taken by the court. They would be in danger again, if parliaments were to be diffolved upon every clamour raifed among the people.' Again, If this parliament be diffolved for rejecting Mr. Wilkes, another 467 another may be diffolved for reprimanding Mr. Beckford next time Another ministerial declaimer. This gentleman, however, differs from his brother in principle, the author of the laft-mentioned addrefs, in refpect to the frequency of parliaments. Our independent freeholder, as he ftyles himself, feems to think once in feven years too frequent for the return of a general election, on account of the tumults and diforders, idleness and profligacy occafioned by the mifplaced liberality of the candidates. Tays he, the fober and rational part of the kingdom dread the fepAs affairs are now managed,' tennial return of elections for members of parliament. Such is the mean and corrupted ftate of the people, that there is an univerfal expectation on these occafions of riotous mirth and intemperate feasting,-if of nothing worfe. What wife or good man has been fpectator of the diforders which fill the land at these times, and would wish to see a return of them fo foon, or delight in the profpect of univerfal gluttony and drunkennefs? The corrupt, the idle, and the diffolute, may indeed wish for another opportunity of indulging their vices at the expences of others; but every fober man, muit lament, that the morals of the people neceffarily fuffer once in feven years, in fupport of their civil liberties. But fhould not this writer have confidered, that the more frequent elections are, the lefs have we to apprehend from the returns of bribery and corruption, with all their attendant irregularities and exceffes? Seats in the Houfe would be worth fo much the lefs, and would proportionably fall in their prices; for if you reduce the loaves to half penny rolls, and the fishes to mere fprats, you will not fee fo much elbowing and squeezing for room at the table. This author ufes many arguments to quiet the minds of the people, at this critical, or as he would call it clamorous jun&ture; but the greatest part of what he urges, in this view, is too common, and too much hacknied, to be offered to the confideration of our readers.-If there is any foundation for the complaints that have arifen, now or never is the time for a thorough inquiry into it; and for a redrefs of grievances, if in reality, there are any grievances to redrefs: but as to a diffolution of parliament, we think, with our author, there is not yet fufficient caufe for fo violent a measure: although we cannot agree with him in pronouncing it an unconftitutional one. Art. 17. A Curfory View of Arbitrary Power attempted by Kings of England, from the Conqueft, compared with the prefent Time, from biftorical Facts. Addressed to the misled People of England. 8vo 18 Smith. The intention of this curfory view, is to compare the arbitrary fpirit of former reigns with the mild and legal government of the prefent Royal Family; which we think is altogether a work of fuper Hh z rerogation. rerogation. There is now no complaint, that we know of, in this refpect, against the crown. If the liberties of the fubject are in any danger, it feems rather to be apprehended from another quarter. But we hope there is little, of this fort, to fear from any quarter. For, we trust, that the people of this country will always be on their guard against the encroachments of every branch of government; and that they who have hitherto fo nobly withstood the tyranny of ONE, will ever difdain to bow their neck to the flavery of FIVE HUNDRED. Art. 18. A Hiftory and Defence of Magna Charta. Containing a Copy of the original Charter at large, with an English Translation; the Manner of its being obtained from John, with its prefervation and final Establishment in the fucceeding Reigns'; with an introductory Difcourfe, containing a fhort Account of the Rife and Progrefs of national Freedom, from the Invafion of Cæfar to the present Times. Alfo the Liberties which are confirmed by the Bill of Rights, &c. To which is added, an Effay on Parliaments, defcribing their origin in England, and the extraordinary Means by which they have been lengthened from half-yearly to feptennial ones. 8vo. 5 s. 3 d. in boards. Bell, &c. 1769. This publication is evidently calculated pro tempore, and together with Magna Charta introduces a copy of the late Middlesex Petition. Who the compiler is, does not appear in the work; but he has given a loofe account of the wars of the English barons with our early kings in very curvy language, to adopt a term of his own, p. 105.; where he tranflates petitiones peffimas, fcurvy petitions: many flowers of language may be collected from p. 109, 112, 115, 120, 121, 247, 248, &c. which extend beyond the Compiler's apology, p. 107. but no one is juftified in adopting bad language from others, excepting in profeffed extracts. Even the warm profeffions in favour of liberty made throughout the volume, do not, in our opinion, render it worth farther confideration. COLONIES. Art. 19. An Appeal to the World; or a Vindication of the Town of Bofton, from many falfe and malicious Afperfions contained in certain Letters and Memorials, written by Governor Bernard, General Gage, Commodore Hood, the Commiflioners of the American Board of Cultoms, and others, and by them refpectively tranfmitted to the British Ministry. Published by Order of the Town. Boston, printed by Edes and Gill: London, reprinted for Al mon. vo. I S. It will be very proper for those who have read the collections here referred to, (and who may, poibly, from the fpecious reprefentations. contained in fome of the letters, &c. have received impreffions unfavourable to the people of New-England,) to perufe this commentary in which confiderable light feems to be caft on many questionable paffages in thofe letters and memorials. After taking fpecial notice of many particular reprefentations in governor Bernard's letters, in order to fhew their invidious nature, and evil tendency, with refpect to the town of Bofton, the appellants obferve, that it would be an endless tafk to take particular notice of every falfe and injurious reprefentation contained in these voluminous letters; and they conclude, that no one can read them without be 1 COLONIE S. 469 ing aftonished, at feeing a perfon in fo important a department as Of the letters of general Gage and commodore Hood, they, in a fummary way, remark, that although both thefe gentlemen were perfect ftrangers in the town, they have yet taken fuch extraordinary freedoms, and the general in particular has wrote in fuch a pofitive ftrain, as muft unavoidably give high disgust to every reader of candour and impartiality.-If thefe gentlemen received the character of the town, or of any of its individuals, from governor Bernard, as we are ready to think they did, they must have been long before convinced, if they knew any thing at all of the fate of the town, that the governor was too deeply interested in mifreprefenting, to be credited in a point of that importance; and therefore common justice would have dictated a fufpenfion of their publick teftimony to the prejudice of a community, till they could have had the opportunity of doing it upon impartial enquiry, or their own obfervation.' At the close of these animadverfions, are the following rofolutions of the town of Boston,' at their meeting held in October 1769, viz. • Refolved, that the letters and memorials of governor Bernard and the commiffioners of the customs in America, tranfmitted by them refpectively to his Majefty's minifters, and laid before the parliament of Great Britain, authentick copies of which are now before this town; had a tendency to deceive the miniftry, and lead them unavoidably to mifinform his Majefty, with regard to the affections and loyalty of his American fubjects in general: and that the faid governour Bernard and the commiffioners have particularly, in their letters and memorials before-mentioned, difcovered an implacable enmity to this town, and the most virulent endeavours to traduce it even to his majefty himself; by means whereof the inhabitants very fenfibly feel the difpleasure of their gracious fovereign. Refolved, that this town have reafon to rejoice in the measure taken by the honourable houfe of reprefentatives, in the last feffion of the General Affembly; by fo feasonably preferring their dutiful and loyal petition to his majefty, for the removal of governor Bernard. for ever from the government of this province: and the town take this opportunity to exprefs their most ardent wifh, that the prayer of faid petition to his majefty may be graciously heard and granted. Refolved, that general Gage and commodore Hood in their feveral letters to his majefty's minifters and fervants, authentick copies of which are now before this town, have discovered an unreasonable prejudice against the town. And the general in particular, in decla Hh 3 ing ring in his letter to the right honourable the earl of Hillsborough, one of his majefty's fecretaries of state, that "in truth there was very little government in Bofton ;" and in making ufe of other expreffions alike fevere, has done great injustice to the town, and an irreparable injury. And it is moreover the opinion of the town, that "the readiness he has difcovered to receive unfavourable impreffions of it, and the publick teftimony he was prevailed upon to bear against it, before he could have time to make an impartial enquiry, betrayed a want of candour unbecoming his ftation and character. Refolved, that many of the letters and memorials aforesaid are falfe, fcandalous, and infamous libels upon the inhabitants of this town, province and continent, of the most virulent and malicious, as well as dangerous and pernicious tendency: and that the selectmen be and hereby are directed to apply and complain to proper authori ty, that the wicked authors of thofe incendiary libels, may be pro ceeded with according to law, and brought to condign punish+ ment.' We shall conclude the prefent article with the following very important paffage, from p. 52 of this Appeal; which appears, to us, to convey the general sense of our American brethren, on the prefent fituation of affairs : Notwithstanding the town have been obliged in justice to themfelves, to fay thus much in their own vindication, we should yet be glad, that the ancient and happy, union between Great Britain and this country, which governor Bernard has fo induftriously laboured to interrupt, might be reftored. Some have indeed flattered themselves with the profpect of it; as intelligence is faid to have been received from administration, that all the revenue acts would be repealed: but as it fince appears by lord Hillsborough's own account, that nothing more is intended, than the taking off the duties on paper, glass, and painter's colours, upon commercial principles only; if that is all, it will not give fatisfaction: it will not even relieve the trade from the burdens it labours under; much lefs will it remove the grounds of difcontent, which runs through the continent, upon much higher principles. Their rights are invaded by thefe acts; therefore until they are all repealed, the cause of their juft complaints cannot be removed: in fhort, the grievances which lie heavily upon us, we shall never think redreffed, till every act, paffed by the British parliament for the exprefs purpose of raising a revenue upon us without our confent, is repealed; till the American board of commit oners of the cuftoms is diffolved; the troops recalled, and things are restored to the flate they were in before the late extraordinary measures of administration took place.' TRADE. Art 20. Reflections on the Principle of Trade in general. Fy a Wellwifher to his King and Country. Small 12mo. 1 S. No Bookfeller's Name. Sold by Brotherton. 1769. Contains fome general maxims and principles of trade; which shew that the Author has thought much and jultly on this fubject. His principal view, is to fhew that the public weal requires that all pofble protection, and efpecially freedom, be allowed to trade that this should ever be the grand point in view, and the foundation of all the |