will, indeed, require à reasonable stock of patience to go through the twelve volumes; but if any one fhould happen to have perfeverance enough to fucceed in the undertaking, I venture to affert, that he will derive therefrom more information refpecting the cufloms, the manners, the morals, the religion, and the politics of America, than from all the hif tories and travels that have ever yet been publifhed, There is no branch of republican government, whether legislative or executive, civil or military; no right or privilege of the poor fovereign people; no bauble with which he is amufed, no democratic trick by which. he is deceived; in short, there are none of those means by which liberty contrives to rob a people of their freedom, which are not fully explained and expofed in the facts that I have recorded. I have given a delineation, or rather have furnished the materials wherewith the reader will be able to delineate, upwards of one thousand public characters, and not a small number of private ones. In recording these facts, I have not, indeed, been under the mollifying influence of modern candour; but I have, in no one inftance, knowingly and ferioufly, given falfehood for fruth; and, though the reader will fometimes find me fevere, frequently very rough, and more frequently very dull, he will never find me irreligious, factious, or fervile. The republicans, and the blind and obftinate advocates for American liberty, will fay that I am partial and vindictive; but, I proteft with the folemnity and fincerity due to an oath, that I have not fet down "aught in malice;" and that I harbour'not the leaft resentment towards America or her inhabitants in general. I wish them all poffible profperity and happinefs; but I also with to convince the world, that their profperity and happiness have not been augmentedby a rebellion, though a fuccefsful one, against the mildeft, the most juft, and moft virtuous of Sovereigns. If I have given the name of rebellion to that which others have called a revolution, it has neither beer from a defire to see those concerned in it fuffer for the offence, nor to keepalive any degree of hatred against them on account thereof; it has been dictated by a fenfe of propriety and of juftice: and I am fully perfuaded, that till the people of America themselves are brought to look upon their revolt as a rebellion, their own Government will never acquire ftability. I' have, indeed, been moft unjustly and ungratefully treated by fome perfons in the United States; but the kindness and generofity which I have received from others, have entirely effaced this injuftice and ingratitude from my mind, I have spent my beft days in America; I have contracted friendships there, which never can cease but with my life; and were I compelled to make a choice between my friends in England, and my friends in America, I have no hefitation in faying, that, with a very few exceptions, I fhould prefer the latter. But private feelings ought to have no influence over a man's public conduct : I am called upon, on this occafion, to speak the truth, or to hold my tongue. In fpeaking of the characters and conduct of the Whigs, I muft always be understood as making numerous exceptions. The fame caution will apply to my defcription of every class of perfons; and I wish to imprefs ftrongly on the mind of the reader, that from my account of individuals or bodies of men, he must never draw a conclufion unfavourable to the people at large, who, though they have fome faults peculiar to themfelves, have alfo fome virtues poffeffed, to the fame extent, by no other nation; in short, I with unequivocally to declare, what I have frequently declared before, that, with the exception of those vices which are the immediate effect of their Government, the Americans yield, in no refpect whatever, to any people in the world. With equal folemnity I declare, as to myfelf, that I have never acted, in any instance, under the influence, direct or indirect, of his Majefty's Minifters; that I never have received at their hands, or at the hands of any other perfon whatever, any reward for any thing I have ever written. I hope, indeed, that both the late and the present Ministry have approved of my humble efforts in the cause of our King and country, which is also the cause of every good man in every country in the world; but I am very far from wifhing for any pecuniary mark of their approbation, which, were they to offer it, I would not receive. Pall Mall, 29th May, 1801. W. COBBETT. GENERAL CONTENTS. VOL. I. 1 A SUMMARY View of the Politics of the United States from the Clofe of the War to the Year 1794. 2. Addreffes to Dr. Priestley. 3. Obfervations on Priestley's Emigration. 4. The Story of a Farmer's Bull. 1. A Bone to Gnaw for the Democrats, Part I. 3. A Bone to Gnaw for the Democrats, Part II. 4. A Summary of the Proceedings of Congress, du- ring the Seffion which commenced on the 4th of 7. Popular Proceedings relative to the British Treaty, 8. A little Plain English, addressed to the People of 9. An Analysis of Randolph's Vindication. 10. A New Year's Gift for the Democrats; or, Obfer- 1. The Political Cenfor, No. I.; or a Review of Poli- 2. The Bloody Buoy, thrown out as a Warning to the political Pilots of all Nations; or, a faithful Re- lation of a Multitude of Acts of Barbarity, fuch as the Eye never witneffed, the Tongue expreffed, or the Imagination conceived, until the Commencement of the French Revolution. To which is added, an inftructive Effay, tracing thefe dreadful Effects to 3. Political Cenfor, No. II. 4. Political Cenfor, No. III. 5. Political Censor, No. IV. 1. The Scare-Crow:-Being an infamous Letter, fent 2. The Life and Adventures of Peter Porcupine, with |