of Englishmen has praised the wisdom with which Henry and the parliament endeavoured to check the progress of this evil. " Inclosures," he says, "they would

not forbid, for that had been to forbid the improvement of the patrimony of the kingdom; nor tillage they would not compel, for that was to strive with nature and utility but they took a course to take away depopulating inclosures and depopulating pasturage, and yet not by that name, or by any imperious express prohibition, but by consequence." This was done by an ordinance, that all houses of husbandry which had been used with twenty acres of ground and upwards, should be kept up for ever, the intent being, to "amortise a great part of the lands of the kingdom unto the hold and occupation of the yeomanry or middle people, of a condition between gentlemen and cottagers or peasants: " for this, it was thought, "did wonderfully concern the might and mannerhood of the kingdom, to have farms as it were of a standard sufficient to maintain an able body out of penury." Heretofore it had been considered as for the great surety of the king, and of the realm of England, that the Isle of Wight should be well inhabited with English people, for the defence as well of his avowed enemies of the realm of France, as of other parties." But now, in consequence of the new system for improving estates, many towns and villages had been let down, and the fields diked and made pasture; and many dwelling places, farms, and farmholds, that of old time were wont to be in many several persons' holds and hands, and many several households kept in them, and thereby much people multiplied, and the same isle thereby well inhabited, were now engrossed by one man, by reason whereof the isle was desolate and not inhabited, but occupied with beasts and cattle; so that," said the act, "if hasty remedy be not provided, that isle cannot be long kept and defended, but open and ready to the hands of the king's enemies, which God forbid !" The remedy provided was, that no man should take more farms

66

* Bacon's Works, iii. 234, 235. Montagu's edition.

in the island than one, "of manors, lands and tenements, parsonages and tithes," the annual rent of which, collectively, should exceed ten marks.*

Henry was too wise a man not to seek peace and ensue it, so long as a pacific course of policy could be pursued with safety and with honour: but the most peaceful state is at all times liable to have its tranquillity endangered by the measures of its neighbours ; and Henry, though disquieted in his kingdom by the pretensions, first of an impostor, and, secondly, of one, the truth or falsehood of whose claim to the character in which he appeared, the most critical investigation has only rendered doubtful, watched with proper jealousy the designs of France both on the side of Bretagne and of Flanders. His views upon this subject were laid before parliament by Morton, archbishop 1488. of Canterbury, then lord chancellor, in a speech remarkable for its moderation and wisdom. It represented that the French king was making hot war upon the duke of Bretagne, and that both parties had prayed the king's aid; and that he, after as much pains and cost to effect a peace as ever he took in any business, not being able to remove the prosecution of the war on the one side, nor the distrust caused by that prosecution on the other, had let fall the treaty, not as repenting, but despairing, of it. Wherefore he prayed the advice of his parliament, whether he should enter into an auxiliary and defensive war for the Bretons against France. "His grace," said the chancellor, "doth profess that he truly and constantly desireth to reign in peace; but his grace saith he will neither buy peace with dishonour, nor take it up at interest of danger to ensue; but shall think it a good change if it pleases God to change the inward troubles and seditions, wherewith he hath been hitherto exercised, into an honourable foreign war. touching both the French king and the duke, they were the men with whom he was, of all other friends and allies, most bounden, the one having held over him

* 4 Hen. 7. c. 16.

As

his hand of protection from the tyrant, the other having reached forth unto him his hand of help for the recovery of his kingdom. But howsoever these things do interest his grace in his particular, yet he knoweth well that the higher bond that tieth him to procure, by all means, the safety and welfare of his loving subjects, doth disinterest him of those obligations of gratitude, otherwise than these, that, if he be forced to make war, he do it without passion or ambition. If it be in the French king's purpose (or if it should not be in his purpose, yet if it shall follow all one as if it were sought), that he shall make a province of Bretagne, and join it to the crown of France, then it is worthy their consideration how this may import England, as well in the increasement of the greatness of France, by the addition of such a country, that stretcheth his boughs unto our seas, as in depriving this nation, or leaving it naked of so firm and assured confederates as the Bretons have always been. For then it will come to pass, that whereas, not long since, this realm was mighty upon the Continent, first in territory and after in alliance, in respect of Burgundy and Bretagne, which were confederates indeed, but dependent confederates: now, the one being already cast, partly into the greatness of France, and partly into that of Austria, the other is like wholly to be cast into the greatness of France; and this island shall remain confined, in effect, within the salt waters, and girt about with the coast countries of two mighty monarchs. For the example, it resteth upon the French king's intent. For if Bretagne be carried and swallowed up by France, as the world abroad conceives it will, then it is an example very dangerous and universal, that the lesser neighbour's estate should be devoured by the greater. For this may be the case of Scotland towards England, of Portugal towards Spain, of the smaller estates of Italy toward the greater; and so of Germany; or as if some of you of the commons might not live and dwell safely beside some of these great lords. And the

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bringing in of this example will be chiefly laid to the king's charge, as to him that was most interested and most able to forbid it. But then, on the other hand, there is so fair a pretext on the French king's part, (and yet pretext is never wanting to power), in regard the danger imminent to his own estate is such, as may make this enterprise seem rather a work of necessity than of ambition, as doth in reason correct the danger of the example. For that the example of that which is done in a man's own defence cannot be dangerous, because it is in another's power to avoid it. But in all this business the king remits himself to your grave and mature advice, whereupon he purposeth to rely.'

That advice was, that the king should espouse the cause of the duke of Bretagne, and send him speedy aid, for which a large supply was voted. That aid proved unavailing: the French warily confined themselves to a war of skirmishes; the duke died, the nobles were engaged in factions and intrigues, and the English, perceiving this, and "considering that it was in the midst of winter, in the which time it is not wholesome for men to lie in the frosty and moist field, were compelled, in manner by necessity," within four months after their landing, to return to England †; and the annexation of Bretagne to the crown of France was brought about by marriage, the best means whereby such unions can be effected. On the side of Flanders, the French were taking advantage of the turbulent state of that country, to pursue their own plans of aggrandisement. The whole of the Low Countries had devolved to an infant son, upon the death of his mother, the only daughter of Charles the Bold; and the government was administered, in trust for him, by his father Maximilian, king of the Romans. The people were tenacious of their rights and privileges, the king of his authority; moderation and equity were alike disregarded by both: and though both parties avoided any thing like a general engagement, a war in detail was *Parl. History, i. 451-455. + Hall, 442.

carried on not of that kind which was denominated bad war, in which no quarter was given, but in which, by agreement, a ransom was fixed per head; and both parties reserved to themselves the right of burning houses and churches!* The war then extended throughout Flanders, Brabant, Hainault, and Namur. Things were in this state, when Philip, the young lord of Ravensteyn, forsook his lord Maximilian, and got póssession of Sluys, with its two castles, which he manned and victualled, and made himself strong both by water and by land. He got possession of Ypres also, counting not only upon the disposition of the Flemings, but upon the aid of France. This was gladly supplied by the sieur des Cordes, who had revolted from the service of his own sovereign, Charles the Bold, to that of Louis XI., and was now lieutenant in Picardy for Charles VIII.: he, as one who had sufficient instructions upon any such offered occasion so to do, despatched 8000 Frenchmen to assist the Flemings in this revolt, and instructed them to take and occupy such towns as were on the way between France and Bruges, or Calais and Bruges. The sieur des Cordes, indeed, used to say that he would gladly lie seven years in hell, so that Calais were in possession of the French †; and his views of aggrandisement included both the English pale and Flanders.

Ravensteyn sent 4000 Flemings to join his allies: they besieged Dixmude, laying their siege on the north side of the town, in a marshy ground, which was then dry; and they so deeply ditched their camp, and so highly trenched it, planting their artillery on the trench, that they thought it in a manner impossible for any assailant to enter their camp, or annoy them in it. Henry was duly informed of their proceedings. He desired nothing less than to have the English pale en

* "Het was een schadelijcke oorloghe, sonder eenige ordinante, want de ruyters ende knechten aen beyden sijden hadden een compact ende overdracht met malcanderen ghemaeckt van rantsoen te geven, als een pont. groot-vlaems, ende yeghelijck die woude mochte alsoo veel huysen ende kercken aen brande steken als hy woude."- Oude Chronijcke van Holland, &c. 542.

Hall, 445. Holinshed, 499.