the chief, or even a prominent item in the list of attractions paraded before the public. They were suspected by many to be, in reality, political clubs; and Odd-fellowship was placed in the same category with the then obnoxious trades' unions, orangeism, ribbonism, and the mysterious conclaves from whence the agrarian atrocities of the redoubtable "Swing" emanated. It cost some labour to convince the legislature that the Manchester Unity, for instance, was free from the taint of sedition. And yet this very society was, from its commencement, not only one of the most loyal, but, practically, one of the most conservative, in its truest sense, of the institutions of the country. When, however, all the circumstances are fully understood, this jealousy seems but a natural result of the then conflicting element of political disquietude. A few hours' communion with our past history will not only enable us better to appreciate, by the contrast, the extent and quality of the moral, social, and intellectual progress achieved within a comparatively recent period; but it is calculated to arouse within the breasts of all who truly appreciate the great principles upon which Odd-fellowship is based, the fullest and most satisfactory assurance that that progress has been real, and is but the precursor of a still more extensive and more healthy development—the roseate morning twilight that heraldeth the coming of a still more glorious day. The instruction of the provident portion of the population in the laws of finance will never be accomplished by coercive measures. Legal protection to the accumulated capital of a friendly society is as much demanded by ordinary justice as it is in the case of any other honestly acquired property whatever, the inability of its owners to use it to the best advantage notwithstanding. Some of the restrictions imposed by the law often defeat their own object, and cause many societies to remain unenrolled. Strange though it may appear, there are many strong-headed illiterate men in various parts of the country who prevail upon majorities to decline enrolment, from a fear that such a proceeding would place their funds entirely at the disposal of government! It is therefore highly desirable that all trifling difficulties should be swept away, if it be only with the view to lighten the labour of those who are toiling to procure the enrolment not only of the yet unregistered lodges of the Manchester Unity, but of all other societies which still continue without the pale of the law,-if, in order to effect this, several, to the government, unimportant, but to the members most important, alterations in the present acts of parliament are necessary. I have referred to the clause which says, that "it shall not be lawful for the registrar to grant any such certificate" (of registration) "to a society assuring to any member thereof a certain annuity or certain superannuation, deferred or immediate, unless the tables of contributions, payable for such kind of assurance, shall have been certified under the hands of an actuary to the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt, or by an actuary of some life assurance company established in London, Edinburgh, or Dublin, who shall have exercised the profession of actuary at least five years." Of course, it would be useless for me to say here anything in exposition of the necessity which exists, not simply for that portion which relates to annuities, but for all and every financial element of friendly society insurance, being constructed upon sound calculations, based upon the results of past experience. This is now acknowledged by all intelligent Odd-fellows: the difficulty consists in the indoctrinating of the mass of their more humbly educated brethren, with some of the more recondite principles and unpleasant truths which such past experience has revealed. The existence of this clause in the act of parliament, under present circumstances, however, is detrimental, rather than otherwise, to the cause of progress. Even the more intelligent of the self-governed friendly societies dislike the compulsory demand of this certificate as the price of legal protection to their funds. Others look upon the affair as the result of professional hankering after fees, or as a kind of mysterious government patronage of certain favourites, who have little knowledge of, and less sympathy with, the habits and feelings of the mass of the provident population. Doubtless the clause was not intended to operate prejudicially to the free action accorded by the same statute to the working men's institutions, as they rarely, if ever, contract for annuities, immediate or deferred. But they have begun to perceive that the average claims of their members during their latter period of life for sickness, are not only excessive, but, even when the experience is spread over tolerably large numbers, of a very fluctuating character. To remedy this, one of the chief sources of the absorption of their funds, and the cause often of increased rigour in the application of the bye-laws to old and decrepit members, it has been suggested, that after the age of sixty or seventy, as may be agreed upon, all sick pay, as such, should cea-c, and in lieu thereof, a small weekly "superannuation," as the act describes it, should be paid to each survivor, irrespective of the state of his health, on his capability to perform some light labour. By the present system old members, partially disabled, are perpetually on the funds. They receive generally only about one-fourth the full sick pay, and yet they are prohibited from following any employment. By the system of annuity or superannuation payment no such condition would be required, and, therefore, under it many an industrious disabled old member would continue to earn now and then a trifle to eke out the little income received from his club. Now, the calculations of a superannuation or deferred annuity is a matter of much greater ease and certainty than that of a sick allowance after the age of sixty. Nay, I venture to assert that the best tables extant are nearly valueless, in this particular respect, to an ordinary Friendly Society; and that eventually this species of insurance will be expunged from the rules of all well governed bodies. And yet, forsooth, working men may operate in this dark region of Friendly Society finance, without the certificate of an actuary to a life assurance company of five years' standing, but not in the path which is now relatively well known, not merely to actuaries, but to any ordinary arithmetician. Perhaps, however, the government wisely judged that actuaries to life assurance companies, as such, did not necessarily know more of sickness experience than many intelligent members of these societies, and, therefore coufined their operations within the sphere of their own professional duties. Of course, some of the actuaries, being the compilers of tables from data furnished by the past experience of sick societies, stand in a different and much superior position. If, however, government are determined to retain this clause, the members of the Manchester Unity ought to insist upon the name of their actuary and secretary, Mr. Henry Ratcliffe, being added to the list. Not only is he the compiler of one of the most valuable series of tables extant upon the subject, but he has, from his long connection with so numerous a society, an amount of practical knowledge on the subject, that a hundred years' experience in a London, Dublin, or Edinburgh Life Assurance Office could not command. It is but justice to Mr. Tidd Pratt that I should here state that, on my representing to him the necessity of an alteration of the law, with a view to facilitate the introduction of a superannuation payment in the place of a sickness one in old age, he cordially acquiesced, and introduced a clause into the then pending enactment which would have answered the purpose. Owing to a portion of the bill, to which this clause was appended, being rejected on a general principle, it was lost without, I believe, any express condemnation of it on its individual merits. It is not, therefore, improbable that, on a future occasion, parliament may be induced to concede this point to the self-governed bodies. Considerable anxiety has been latterly manifested by trustees of lodges, in consequence of a circular issued by the registrar, in which he says, "If any loss arise to the society through their (the trustees) investing the funds upon any other securities than those authorised by 18 and 19 Vic. c. 63, s. 32, they may be called upon personally to make it good." Where the trustees have invested money on their own responsibility, without a special vote of the lodge authorising the particular investment, there can be no doubt that not only strict law but ordinary justice would decide in favour of their personal liability to meet any loss that might accrue from such a proceeding. Indeed, Mr. Pratt's circular, though somewhat ambiguous, or rather incomplete, in its information, appears to have reference only to cases of this character. But it frequently occurs that lodges invested a portion of their money previously to the passing of this act, in a manner not recognised by it: for example, in the building or purchase of cottage property. It becomes therefore a matter of serious import to the trustees in whose names such property is still held, whether or not they are liable personally to be called upon to make good any loss caused by such investment. If the building or purchase of the property was the act of the members when legally assembled, I opine no court of equity would hold the individuals, whose names are inserted in the deeds as trustees, to be responsible for loss at the suit of those under whose authority and instruction they had simply acted. The matter, however, is too important to be lightly passed over. It is highly desirable that the accumulated capital of provident institutions should be invested in the most certain and reliable securities, and that all speculative employment of the funds should not only be discountenanced but prohibited by the rules of the societies themselves. Still it would have been much more satisfactory, and have been productive of far more beneficial results, if the following sentence in Mr. Pratt's circular had been less dictatoral in its tone. He says: "The act of parliament, in restricting the modes of investment to securities of the highest class, may be said to endeavour to compel the members of Friendly Societies to take as much care of their funds as possible." Many members have taken serious umbrage at this word compel, which Mr. Tidd Pratt himself prints in italic letters, as though he wished to give full force to the menace. They look upon such dictation to people whose right to the property in question is as undeniable as that of the peer of twelve generations to his ancestral acres, as an insolent attempt to wrest from them the privilege of "doing what they like with their own," so vehemently claimed by certain other distinguished individuals. If the word compel were expunged, and induce, or encourage, or assist, substituted, it would certainly sound more in accordance with the spirit of the British constitution, which after all never contemplated the confounding of the savings of the industrious provident man with the money raised by a poor rate. There appears to be some misconception as to the nature of the duty and authority of a party appointed to the office of trustee to a Friendly Society. By such appointment it was never intended that he should do more than lend his name to the club, and, in conjunction with his colleagues, act, not on his own responsibility or private judgment, with respect to investments, but according to instructions received from those whom he represents. Some imagine that the members are placed in a similar position to a minor awaiting his majority, and that the trustees of a lodge are no more called upon to consult their feelings or wishes respecting investment than are the executors who hold in trust under a will the funds bequeathed to an individual whom the law terms an "infant," until he has completed his twenty-first year. This might be very gratifying to certain gentlemen, whose position would command such appointments; but it certainly never was intended that the adult provident working men should resign the control over their own property, and by a voluntary act proclaim themselves imbeciles, or solicit the good offices of some kind friend to attach to their incompetent persons a kind of infantile social leadingstrings. No; the trustees are their servants, not their masters. They are merely called into being, as in other public companies or associations, from legal necessity, in order that the transactions of business may be facilitated, and not as a check upon the free action of those by whom they were appointed. If a resolution, ordering a trustee to invest money in what he conceived an improper manner, was passed by a legal committee, it is his duty, after due explanation, to resign his office, if he thought compliance with the resolution would compromise him in any way; and not proceed on his own responsibility to invest the money in what he might perhaps rightly deem not only a legal but a better security. A contrary course would eventually open the door to the exercise of irresponsible authority to an alarming extent. The Directors of the Manchester Unity have submitted a case for the consideration of eminent counsel, relative to the present condition of the law upon the subject of investment, and especially the liability of trustees, who merely act in accordance with the instructions of those whom they represent. If the present law, with Mr. Tidd Pratt's interpretation, be not satisfactory, the remedy is in the hands of the members themselves, who, if united, possess sufficient weight and influence over candidates for legislative honours to induce Parliament to grant such amendments as will meet their peculiar necessities. There is a growing tendency, in some quarters, to subject the people's Friendly Societies to a somewhat strict middle or upper class surveillance; nay, there is a desire to appropriate the honour and authority incident to the direction of their affairs, now that they have gained a respectable" position amongst the institutions of the land, to which the free British provident operative will never submit. Of this, from my own experience, 1 feel certain. Still, it is as well to be on our guard, or much valuable effort may eventually have to be expended in the removal of what may, with ordinary care, be prevented from taking deep root amongst them. As the next Annual Committee of the Manchester Unity will unquestionably consider the propriety of petitioning Parliament for sundry alterations of the present law, it is desirable that the more intelligent members of the Order should direct their attention to its provisions, and carefully note down any obnoxious peculiarities in its application which may exhibit themselves in their respective localities. Many murmurings have reached the executive of the Manchester Unity respecting sundry eccentric acts of the Registrar, and inquiries as to the extent and nature of his official duties are continually being made. As this subject, however, will doubtless form an important item in the catalogue of complaints at the forthcoming annual meeting, and as it is in itself of too important a character to be dismissed slightly at the end of the present article, I prefer returning to its consideration in the next number of the Magazine. In the meantime, the communication of any further facts relevant to the matter will confer an obligation. CHRISTMAS. 'Twas the eve-tide of Christmas, and Christmas put on All was white on the earth-all was grey in the sky, "Room for me, room for me, "Hark! the flushed and shouting lip "See yon circle-gaily proud- In my name's welcome-blythe and loud. Farther on, a woman's sigh Breathes through salt of weeping eye, Christmas looks in everywhere. "Sacred ceilings, dark and grey, Christmas looks in everywhere. "I mix the cake, and broach the beer, And load the board with revel cheer. birth. I fling a gleam of memory's beam, By night-watch flame, and fire-side Christmas looks in everywhere. "Roast the beef and drain the butt; P. |