pression of the tax; that he now hoped that those who urged the institution of that committee, and who had approved of their resolutions, would come forward, and he trusted that as they had recommended the repeal of the original duty, and the consequent removal of all impediments to the free circulation of salt, they could not with any pretensions to consistency agree to lay additional imposts on that article, which would still more impede its circulation; that the immediate effect of this bill would be to raise the assize of bread; and that the price of all kinds of butchers' meat would necessarily be increased, and salt fish, which was the chief diet of many of the poor, would likewise become more expensive. Mr. Pitt said, that the committee, in the report which they gave in some years ago, and which had been alluded to by the noble lord, proceeded on the ground of rendering salt applicable to many general purposes, among which was even that of manure; it was certainly their object to give facility to the circulation of that article, but the chief hindrance to a free circulation was the regulation which the duty necessarily demanded, and these regulations would equally affect the circulation, whether the duty amounted to five, ten, or fifteen shillings a bushel, so that the noble lord ought not to be satisfied with advising a rejection of a revenue of 500,000l. which the proposed additional duty would produce, but should proceed to advise the taking off the duty now existing, which produced a revenue amounting to double that sum; that it was singular that the noble lord should call-on those persons, who, when the country was at peace, approved the report of the committee, and yet did not venture to institute any measure upon it, to come forward, and, in the midst of war, declare their opinion on the present bill; that the report had slept for three years, and the consideration of it was now urged, at a time, than which, none could be more unfit; that it was a most unpleasant thing for him to be under the necessity of imposing taxes, which, in any degree, affected the lower classes, but be bad a sacred duty to perform; that we were engaged in a contest for the defence both of rich and of poor; that supplies must be found, and no mode of raising them seemed to him so little" liable to objection as the present; that on the day when he first introduced this and his other measures of ti nance, it was objected by an hon. gentleman, that they did not fall sufficiently on articles of consumption; that the noble lord had not been just in saying, that govern ment had abandoned the interests of the lower classes; that he ought to look at the taxes from the year 1793 to the present time, and he would find that the poor had been in every instance exonerated at the expense of their superiors; the Income Tax, the wine duty, the duty on foreign spirits, and a variety of others, sufficiently proved this; that the sum estimated as likely to be raised from this additional duty on salt, was 500,000l. at 5s. per bushel, and therefore proceeded on a calculation of two millions of bushels being consumed; that there were eleven millions of consumers, and it must be obvious to the House, how much greater a proportion of this tax would fall on the higher classes than on the lower; that, on a fair calculation, the consumption of a cottage containing a family of five per sons, would be considerably short of a bushel in the year, making an annual duty of only three or four shillings, and this it should be recollected, collected gradually from week to week, so that its influence would scarce. ly be felt; that taxes on consumption to be productive, must be laid on articles of ge neral consumption; that as to the appre hended increase in the assize of bread, it never varied, unless a fluctuation of at least IS. 8d. took place on each sack of flour, and the quantity of salt used in this case was so small, it was such a trifling fraction, that it could not possibly affect the price; he hoped, therefore, however specious the arguments used by the opponents of the mea sure, however they might affect to be the advocates and protectors of the poor, that the House would see through the fallacy of their objections; and that, in the support of a cause, in which the higher and the lower classes were equally concerned, they would not hesitate to afford to his Majesty's government those means which were proved by them to be the least objectionable. He did not say, nor did he affect to say, that the tax was not objectionable. He has no scruple to propose, and to carry, an ob jectionable tax. It is quite sufficient for him, while his opponents refrain from making war upon his whole system, to have to say, that nobody can propose taxes less objectionable than those which he proposes. "It is an unpleasant thing to me," says he, "to impose taxes, which, in any degree, "affect the lower classes; but, I have a "sacred duty to perform; supplies must be "found;" or, what? Why the interest of the national debt cannot be paid; the commissioners of the sinking fand cannot go twice a week into the stock market; and the paper system must be destroyed! Aje, there's the rub! That argument is, with all those who hold that that system ought to be supported, absolutely unanswerable. Merely as a question of choice of taxes; if that is all the House of Commons has, at last, the inclination, or the power, to settle, their functions lie in a very narrow compass; and, in that view of the matter, I am, for the reasons that were stated in page 299 of the present volume, convinced, that the tax on salt is as unobjectionable an one as can now be found out. Taxes on consumption are best, because the burden is so fairly distributed; and, the best articles are those, which are in the most general use, and come nearest to the absolute necessaries of life; because no tax upon such articles can possibly diminish the general consumption. The tax on draught horses is better than the tax upon pleasure horses, because its weight, pressing more immediately upon articles of general consumption, is more rapid in its course into general diffusion; and, for that reason, produces none of those sudden changes of property, none of those new domestic arrangements, none of those disturbances in the affairs of masters and servants, none of those partial vexations, inconveniences, and losses, which must inevitably be produced, in a greater or less degree, by the tax upon pleasure horses. And, as to the relative weight upon the poor, in order to be satisfied, that a tax upon the necessaries of life has in it no hardship peculiar to them, we have only to keep in mind, this great and immutable principle, that on labour, and on labour alone, all taxes, of whatever description, must finally fall; because, there is no species of property, which does not, and which must not, proceed from labour.In stating the grounds of my opinion thus confidently, I beg leave to be understood, as having omitted the qualifying phrases, which it would have become me to use, merely for the sake of avoiding the encumbrance, which would therefrom have arisen to the statement. If any one, who may think me in error, will take the trouble to put me right, I shall gladly receive, and give place to his communication.--But, this opinion of mine is built upon a principle widely different from that, on which Mr. Pitt thought proper to defend the salt-duty. He, in fact, took his opponents upon their own ground. He acknowledged that it was a tax upon the poor; or, rather he acknowledged, that there were two sorts of taxes, one that weighed upon the poor, and one that weighed upon the rich. And, it grieved him, he said, when ver he was compelled to resort to taxes of the former description! But, said he, in order to be convinced, that my taxes have not, for the far greater part, been such; in order to be convinced, that, ever since the year 1793, "the poor have been exonerated at the expense of the rich," look at the tax on Income, on Wine, on Carriages, &c. &c. ! Just as if all these taxes did not finally fall upon the poor as well as upon the rich! Upon such occasions, it is truly surprizing, that he is never reminded by any one, that, during the operation of this system of exonerating the poor at the expense of the rich, the number of paupers in the kingdom has nearly doubled; very nearly doubled since the year 1786. If such be the effect of exonerating the poor, it would be adviscable to try, for a while, the effect of exonerating the rich.--There is another view of this subject which inust n't be omitted. The ministerial writers, impatient under the effect, which they, or rather their employers, perceive the divisions upon the salt-tax bill to have produced, are endeavouring to represent its opponents as men, who are perfectly indifferent to the safety of the country, and who would, indeed, rejoice at seeing it conquered. The SUN, of the 5th instant, has the following paragraph upon the subject: "We are surprised to find opposition hazarding their political credit by attempt"ing to excite a general prejudice against "the proposed addition to the tax upon "salt. The argument they use upon this subject, if argument it can be called, is, "that the taxes will chiefly fall upon the "6 poor. This is, in fact, a mere assertion, "for it is a tax very light in itself, and one "that will have an operation upon the "whole of the community. It will fall "heavy upon none, and in a very short "time it will hardly be felt at all. But, it "is evident, by the clamour which the op ponents of government make on this "point, that they have no substantial plea "to urge against any of the general mea"sures of administration, or against the "rest of the taxes devised for support"ing the unavoidable burthens of the state. "It never can be supposed that these opponents of government have a proper idea of the danger that threatens the country from the designs of an ambitious, rau"corous, and unappeaseable enemy; an "enemy whose sole and avowed object is to annihilate us wholly as an indepen"dent state. When we find some among "the adversaries of governme it doing all severing cavils against measures calcu"lated to avert such a dreadfulfate from their 65 : 86 was feeding an ass in a meadow; and, "being alarmed with the sudden approach "of the enemy, was impatient with the ass "to put himself forward, and fly with all the "speed that he was able. The ass asked "him, whether or no he thought the enemy "would clap two pair of such panniers upon "bis back. The man said, no, there was no fear of that. Why, then, says the 66 ass, I will not stir an inch; for, what is it "to me who my master is, since I shall but carry my panniers as usual?" 66 66 MIDDLESEX ELECTION.I beartily congratulate the public in general, and par ticularly the people of the county of Middlesex, that, by the decision of a committee of the House of Commons, Sir Francis Burdett is placed in the seat, from which he has been, during the present session, so illegally and unjustly kept. During the whole of the last election Sir Francis Burdett's conduct was such as no independent man could disap prove of. At the close of that election, it was such as, all the circumstances considered, is, as to moderation, without a parallel in the history of public and popular men. In my next, I shall submit some remarks upon the several branches of this very important subject; and, in the mean time shall content myself with just expressing my feeling upon the occasion; which is that of sincere satisfaction, arising from the reflection, that, as an inhabitant of Middlesex, I am now represented in parliament by a Gentleman; a man of ancient family, hereditary rank and pos sessions, of great talents, and of perfect independence of mind. own, measures that are dictated by wisdom, and that are founded in moderation, "and a due regard to the weight which already presses upon the people."- -This is their way their uniform practice! They always assume, as premises admitted, all those facts which their opponents deny. The opposers of the salt tax deny that it is calculated to promote the interests and security of the country, but, on the contrary, argue, that it is calculated to do great public injury, to oppress the lower orders of the people, and thereby to render them discontented, and, of course, less likely to be zealous in the defence of the country. They deny that the tax is dictated by wisdom. They deny that it is founded in moderation. They deny that the imposers of this tax have had a due regard to the weight of the burdens which already press upon the people. All this they deny; this denial is the very fonndation of their opposition; and, yet these writers have the assurance to draw their conclusion, just as if it had all been admited instead of denied; and as if, therefore, one was compelled to seek, in disaffection and disloyalty, for a reason for their opposition!--Upon such occasions the dangers of the country are always mustered, and dressed out with a suitable number of terrific epithets. That the dangers of the country are great, I want nothing to convince me; but, it would take much to convince me, that those dangers are to be dimi nished by adding to the weight of the people's burdens; and, in exemplification of any meaning, I will, by way of compliment to the "young friend" who writes in the SUN, borrow an illustration from the cona-selves, does not appear likely to procure any duce of an animal, to which he may, I relief to that numerous body, whose disconthink, fairly be presumed to bear some tents form, at this moment, the ground of atlinity. An old fellow," says Esop, our most serious apprehensions and dangers. THE IRISH CATHOLIC deputation have arrived in London, and have brought a pe tition to the parliament for the redress of their grievances. But, this petition, it is said, after having been submitted to the ministers, is to be laid upon the table, without any proceedings thereon being urged, at least, by the deputation, unless the ministers choose it; and, that they will not choose it, we can want very little to satisfy us, when we recollect what are the sentiments of the Prime Minister, Lord Sidmouth. In what degree the members of this deputation can properly be regarded as the representatives of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, I know not; but, the course they are said to have taken, though it may, for reasons too obvious to mention, prove very satisfactory to them Printed by Cox and Baylis, No 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pail-Mal. VOL. VII. No. 11.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 16, 1805. [PRICE 10D. "Mr. CANNING said" (debate of 18th June, 1804): " I objected to the administration of foreign affairs, "and that has been changed.-Mr. PITT said " (debate of 6th March, 1805) "A chone did, no doubt, take "place in the ministry; but, that change was inade with the entire free-will of the noble lord (Hawkes"bury, and could never have been proposed upon any other ground." 385! DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS. JAMAICA LEGISLATURE. Resolutions adopted by the House of Assembly of Jamaica, relative to the Governor's Speech at the preceding prorogation Dated 12 Decomber, 1804. (N. B. The Speech of the Governor bere animadverted on will be found in the Register, Vol. V. p. 397.) Report made from the committee appointed to take into consideration his honour the lieut. governor's speech at the last prorogation, to search into precedents, and to ro port the same, with their opinion of the measures proper to be adopted by the House in consequence thereof, stating that they had proceeded to take the said speech into their most serious consideration; that, from the period of the revolution, when the rights and privileges of the respective branches of the legislature were more accurately ascer tained than in remote and turbulent times, the committee have carefully searched the records of parliament, and can find no instance of a minister having ventured to suggest to the sovereign a speech animadverting on the proceedings of either House of Parliament. The addresses of his present most sacred majesty in particular have ever been most gracious, worthy of the exalted virtue which has endeared him to all his subjects, and dictated by a sacred respect for the principles of freedom, which have been uniformly displayed by the illustrious princes of the House of Brunswick on the British throne: the committee have also searched the Journals of this House, and find that, from the year 1679-80, when the political constitution of this island may be considered to have been settled, there have been few attempts to encroach on the liberties of the people, or abridge the privileges of their representatives; and none but what have been vigilantly attended to and firmly resisted by the House of Assembly: it is with the deepest regret that the committee feel themselves under the necessity of giving their opinion that the speech referred to their consideration is a breach of the privileges of this House, which, if submitted to, might be drawn into precedent, and lead to the most fatal consequences; it contains not only direct animadversions on the proceedings of [386 the Honse, but on the particular subject. which the Commons House of Parliament have ever regarded as resting exclusively with them, viz. the extent of the supply proper to be granted for the exigencies of the government. The law of parliament on this subject being very clearly laid down in the elegant Commentaries of Sir William Blackstone, the committee will refer to bis authority, and with the greater confidence, becausé on political questions he has not been suspected of partiality for the popular branch. of the constitution; yet he observes, "If the two Houses of Parliament, or either of them, had avowedly a right to animadvert on the King, or each other, or the King had a right to animadvert on either of the Houses, that branch of the legislature so subject to animadversion would instant'y cease to be part of the supreme power, the balance of the constitution would be overturned, and that branch or branches in whi h this jurisdiction resided would be completely sovereign. The supposition of law therefore is, that neither the King, or either House of Parliament collectively taken, is capable of doing any wrong" He adds, that such cases being out of the reach of express legal provisions, "if ever they `unfortunately happen, the prudence of the times must provide new remedies upon new emergencies." It is the painful duty of the commit.ee, in' obedience to the orders of the House, to suggest the proper remedy in the now emergency arising out of this speech: following the precedents established by the wisdom of our ancestors, and uniformly acted upon by the Bouse of Assembly, the committee recommend to the House to come to the following resolutions:--Rasolver, That the loyalty and patriotism of bis Majesty's subjects, the inhabitants of this island, have ever beca most conspicuous, and that their representatives could at no time be justly charged with refusing the supplies necessary for the support of government and the defence of the country, from motives of disaffection. RESOLVED, That, in the session of 1803, this House granted for the service of the following year 311 0401.: That a large proportion of the money voted was for the expense of the army and bar. rack department, which were fully provided | for to the extent for which the faith of this country is pledged.ResoLVED, That nothing but an anxious desire to aid and support the government, to the utmost of our ability, could have induced the House to vote so large a supply in the distressed situation to which our constituents were reduced.- RESOLVED, that the assumption of any branch of the legislature, of a right to animadvert in any manner upon this House, in the exercise of its rightful powers as a component part of the same legislature, and more especially in matters of supply, is unconstitutional, and, if submitted to, would destroy the independence of this House, and the legislative constitution of the island. Letter from Lord Camden, dated 7th June, 1804, to the Lieut.-Governor of Jamaica, and communicated by bim to the House of Assembly on the 13th of December, 1804, relative to Preachers in the Island. SIR,1 herewith transmit to you an order of His Majesty in Council, dated the 23d of April last, disallowing an act passed by the Legislature of the island of Jamaica in December, 1802, intitled, "An act to prevent preaching by persons not duly qualified by law," and a further order of His Majesty in council of the same date, to which is annexed the draft of a bill upon the same subject, which, in compliance with the directions conditioned in the said order, I am to desire you will take an carly opportunity of proposing to the Assembly to be passed into a law. JAMAICA ASSEMBLY. Message relative to Intercourse with America, dated 13th December, 1804. House resolve, that it appearing, by an order of His Majesty's council, dated the 21st of November last, and published in the Royal Gazette, that his Honour be advised to signify to the officers of His Majesty's customs in the respective ports of entry and clearance of this island, that from and after the expiration of six months, to be computed from the present date, the resolution of council of the 17th July 1800, is to be no longer considered in force, and it being evident that the interruption of the intercourse between this island and the United States of America cannot fail to be highly detrimental, the following message be sent to his Honour the Lieutenant-Governor.--MAY IT PLEASE YOUR HONOUR,-We are ordered by the House to wait on your Honour, and to request that you will be pleased to lay before the House such papers and documents as may have induced the council to advise your Honour to signify to the principal officers of His Majesty's customis at the several ports of this island, that from and after the expiration of six months, to be computed from the 21st of November last, the resolution of the board of the 17th July, 1800, is to be no longer considered in force. (N. B. The ader of council relative to which these documents are demanded, will be found in the present volume of the Register, f. 208) JAMAICA LEGISLATURE.--Resolutions at proving of the meritorious Conduct of Admiral Sir John Thomas Duckworth. Datel 17th December, 1804 Resolution agreed to nem. con. that the thanks of this House be presented to ViceAdmiral Sir John Thomas Duckworth, K.B. for the effectual protection afforded to the commerce and coasts of this island, by his able and disinterested distribution of His Majesty's naval forces under his command; and that he be requested to accept a sword as a testimony of the high sense entertained by this House of the eminent services he has thereby rendered to the country.. Speaker ordered to transmit to Vice Admiral Sir John Thomas Duckworth, K. B. a copy of the above resolution. To direct the Receiver-general to remit to Edmund Pussy Lyon, Esq. the agent of this island, the sum of 1000 guineas, for the purpose of purchasing a sword, to be presented to ViceAdmiral Sir John Thomas Duckworth, K.B. JAMAICA LEGISLATURE.--Resolution Te lative to the Interference of the Board of Trade, in the internal Concerns of the Colony. Dated 17th December, 1804. To send a message to his honour the Lieutenant Governor, to acquaint him, that in consequence of his Honour's message of the 12th instant, accompanied with a report from the Lords of Trade and Plantations to His Majesty, and an order of His Majesty in council thereupon, the House have ma turely weighed the purport of the proposition recommended to them, to enact into a law the bill framed by that board for the prevention of unlicensed preachers in this island; but are of opinion, that any attempt by that board or of any other to direct or influence the proceedings of this House in matters of internal regulation, by any previous proposi tion or decision on what is referred to or under their consideration and deliberation, is an interference with the appropriate func tions of the House, which it is their boun den duty never to submit to. |