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without doubt, that the subsidies, if any body can be found to take them, must be raised in taxes, just the same as if no "measures "of precaution" had been taken; just the same as if a single dollar had never been captured.--That people should be alarmed at the thought of a French fleet going to Egypt is natural enough ;. for, they may be assured, that one half of the few re

my objection to new taxes, and also to the continuation of a part, at least, of the war taxes already imposed. Let the Sinking Fund stop during the war; and, if any one should really think it of any use, and should be able to persuade the parliament into his opinion, let it be revived, when we have no occasion to make loans. This, at any rate, is no singular notion; for, at the time when the project of the Pitt sinking fundgular soldiers we have would be sent after

was first under the consideration of parliament, MR. Fox expressed his sorrow, that the fund was not to stop during war.———— To return to the proposed subsidies; every cabinet upon the Continent must have at once seen through the object of voting the money beforehand, and so long before the usual time of voting the supplies. They were not so to be deceived. Mr. Pitt's war and Mr. Pitt's peace have made wary of Mr. Pitt and his big promises; and, it ap. pears to be the opinion of every person at all acquainted with their sentiments, that they will never again venture upon a hearty co-operation with him.

THE FRENCH FLEETS.- -We now find, that the Toulon fleet, consisting of eleven sail of the line, seven frigates, and two corvettes, having between eight and nine thousand troops on board, has been out to sea, and has been forced back again by contrary winds from the east. From the circumstance of the troops being under the commend of General Lauriston, it has been concluded, by some of the wise men of London, that the troops were destined for Egypt, and thence to our famous "empire in the East," because Lauriston was born in some factory on the peninsula of India! The intelligence of our Smyrna fleet having been captured, together with their convoy, by two French frigates, appears to be confirmed; and thus this sally has proved a subject of great exultation to the French. The Rochefort squadron is, in all likelihood, gone to the West Indies; where, as was before said, they will be able to do great mischief. And, though we know it is impossible for all the vigilance in the world to prevent ship, from saning; yet, it ought to be remembered, that the French fleets did not sail, during the administration of Lord St. Vincent. The Melville admiralty has distinguished itself by a galeon harvest, it is true; but, when that harvest is over, there comes very often a famine. Some people thought, that a Spanish war would provide ample means for purchasing allies, wherewith to divert Napoleon's legions from their intended prey in Britain. But these honest and honourable men now find, to their great mortification,

them as soon as the expedition could possibly be fitted out; and, if Lauriston, really was bound to Egypt, there can be little doubt, that thus to draw our regular army out of the kingdom was the sole object of the undertaking. The French government know well who are in power. They are perfectly well acquainted with the notions of Lord Melville and Mr Pitt; they know that Lord Sidmouth will not interfere in such matters; and, they would, therefor, weke sure of leading us into another war in Egypt for the sake of our " Empire in the East. Nothing could suit their purpose so well as this. Not a man would it draw from the French shores along the Channel. There their preparations would be hastened; and, the moment our army was gone, they would think seriously of an attempt at invasion, either of England or Ireland. One thing

to be remarked is, the celerity with which the enemy can send out an army on shipboard. "Eight or nine thousand men !" And this done, too, and the 'flect back again safe in port, before we heard a syllable of the matter; notwithstanding our 200,0001. or 500 0001. a year expended in secret service money! We have been talking of put. ting soldiers on board ship; any time these four months we have been talking of it. The transports have been sailing round and round and round about all the coast. The troops have marched and counter-marched, aide-du-camps and generals have been making the dust fly along the roads, and the newspapers have stunned us with notes of preparation. Yet, here we are, and not a man yet on board. Here we are the laughing stock of the enemy; that enemy, whom we represent as unable to put his nose out of port, and who, without our obtaining the least knowledge of his intention, serds a fleet to sea with eight or nine thousand troops on board! To what a state of imbecility, then, must we be reduced, if we stil affect to believe, that there is now no danger; that our alliance has terrified the enemy, and that he is afraid to stir an inch!It is worthy of remark, that, while so great and important a thing as the sailing, of a fleet and an army escaped our knowledge,

the ministry could obtain very exact, and even minute information, relative to the Irish committee sitting at Paris." One would think, that it was easier to discover the movements of twelve or thirteen bartalions, especially from the land to the sea, than to penetrate the recesses of conspirators. But, the former is a sort of information, which we never obtain. It does not seem to be to our taste. It would make no figure in debate. The ultimate object of Napoleon and his counsellors is to subdue England. They have laid their plan; and they adhere to it most steadily. They do not regard the loss of a fleet or of an army. Lauriston expected, probably, to be beaten in the long run, if he landed salely in Egypt; but, that would have been nothing, if, by such defeat, he weakened us at home. I wish the nation to be upon its guard against this lare; to think well betimes whether England ought to be exposed for the purpose of another war in Egypt; to remember that such a war can have no object but that of preserving India; and to decide, beforehand, whether, if that become the question, they will hazard Fngland for the sake of India; whether they will run the risk of becoming slaves under a foreign yoke, rather than forego the honours which they derive from the existence of the East-India Company and its domineering train of nabobs.

SHERIFFS RAWLINS AND COX. After a very long and impartial inquiry into the conduct of these gentlemen during the election for the county of Middlesex in the year 1802. the House of Commons, did, on the 11th instant, order them to be committed to Newgate. Upon this event, the SUN newspaper has observed, that "the "misconduct of the Sheriff's was, at length,

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so evident, that the leading men of the "party who espoused their cause had too "much regard for their own reputation to interpose any further in their behalf. "when the final discussion took place." Now, I should be glad to know what party over did espouse their cause." No party ever did. No, nor scarcely any single member of parliament. Mr. Pitt thought it was unnecessary to hear their counsel at the bar. Mr. Fox and others thought it was necessary, and that justice demanded it; and, the House was of this latter epinion. If, however, their cause was "epoused," and was given up as soon as the proofs of their misconduct became evident, the " young friend" who writes in the SUN will not be astonished, if I express any wish, that, upon similar grounds, any cu prits, whose cause may bereafter be es

poused by his friends, may be as readily given up to the hands of public justice.

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. - On the 6th instant, upon a motion of Mr. Sheridan, in the House of Commons, for a tepeal of Mr. Pitt's Parish Army law, the House divided, after a long debate, for the repeal 127, against it 267, leaving a majority for the ministry of 140.--In the House of Lords, on the 7th instant, upon a motion of Lord King for the House to go into a committee upon the state of the military defence of the country, there were 52 for the motion, and 127 against it; leaving the ministry a majority of 75.--Upon this occasion, the Marquis of Strafford voted against the ministry, and, in so doing, preserved that honourable consistency, which the public expected him to preserve. It was this nobleman, who had given notice of a similar motion himself last year, which motion it must be remembered, the Addington ministry could not meet. His lordship little expected at that time, that the day would so soon come, when he would be compelled to quit Mr. Pitt, or, to give his voice in support of the very men, to turn out whom, upon the alleged ground of" incapacity "and imbecility," was then his object as well as that of Mr. Pitt! When his lordship, during the first debate that took place after the Addington ministry was turned out, called Mr. Pitt "a real giant refreshed," he little imagined, that this giant was so soon to bend at the footstool of Mr Addington. Lord Stafford would not have so bent, and the conduct of Mr. Pitt must appear to him to be such as he ought to express his disapprobation of.On the 12th instant the House of Commons divided for the last time upon the Additional Salt-Duty Bill, when there appeared 92 for, and 54 against; majority for the ministry, 38. On the same day the additional tax upon draught horses was lost, there being, upon a division of the House, 73 for the ministry, and 76 against them. "The first financier in the world," as his creatures and hirelings call him, was not wont to lose his taxes! These are a sort of contes's that the people ought to be de sirous of seeing. They have been too long accustomed to see scores of millions voted to the minister, as if the votes were matters of course. We shall, perhaps, live to see the day, when members of parlia ment may once more dare to enquire, whether they ought to vote any supplies at all; at least, till they have seen the accounts of the preceding year. We sometimes congratulate ourselves that we are no longer under the Stuarts; and, indeed, if we con

fine our view to a comparison between the two roval Houses, we may have great cause for congratulation; especially when we consider what James the Second might have done. But, I never can help remembering, that notwithstanding all the arbitrary disposition of the Stuarts, in every reign of the Jameses and the Charleses, the House of Commons did sometimes refuse to grant the supplies that the minister demanded of them. The supplies were not then voted as a mere matter of course. The House of Commons exercised the right of refusing, not only a particular tax, but all the money that the executive government wanted at its hands. No minister in the arbitrary days of the Stuarts, ever told the House of Commons: "I am sorry to tax "the poor; but I have a sacred duty to per"form; supplies must be bad."——Ah! Some one will say, but the circumstances were then very different. There was then no public debt! I know there was not. Is it, then, the public debt; the absolute necessity, real or imaginary, of discharging annually the interest of that debt; is it this that has taken all discretion fom the House of Commons, as to the granting of supplies? Is it this that has, in effect, withdrawn, the purse strings from their hands? And, must things always remain thus? Will the House of Commons never more refuse a supply? Shall every minister for the time being, be he who he may, and be his measures what they may; shall he, whatever be his internal arrangements, his negotiations, his connexions, his alliances, his wars, and his pacifications; shall he always instantly obtain from the House of Commons the sums he may demand? And, shall the future functions of that House, as to supplies, be confined to the choosing between different taxes; to the determining whether the minister is to be supplied out of the bread or broth of their constituents? If this be so, how quietly we have dropped down! And that, too, all the while we have been boasting of the great victory obtained for political liberty at the time when this system began! Let who will cry "Toy," these remarks I cannot forbear making; and i do hope, that, laying aside all these pitiful distinctions, all these watch-words of party, we shall now take a steady and impartial view of our situation; and, that there will somewhere be found wisdom, energy, and public spirit sufficient to snatch us from the abyss, into which we are falling. But, this mighty deed is not to be performed by puny means. A victorious division upon a horse tax advances the public cause not a hair's

breadth. Even the turning out of Mr. Pitt would, of itself, be of no use. It is his system; or rather the funding and taxing system new-modelled and extended by him. As long as this system is continued to its present extent (and if it remain unchanged it must extend still further), it is a matter, of perfect indifference with me, who is minister, being firmly persuaded, that, if the system continue, no combination of rank or talents can save the country from subjugation. In a new administration one might have great hope, because its members would not feel their reputation committed as to the Pitt system, most of the leading men, having, at different times, expressed their dissent, at least from certain parts of it. But, as to your politicians, who have merely

turn about is fair play" at their tongues ends; as to those gentlemen, who appear to have no ideas but what they have purloined from Mr. Pitt himself; who, for want of knowing how to dissent, admit all that he can possibly want admitted; who, in their stock-broker-like statements just afford him the opportunity of showing how wonderous wise he is and how wonderous foolish they are; as to this race of politi cians, whose views extend no further than the giving of us a new set of tax-gatherers, clerks, and stock-brokers, if there be any sincere friend to his country who places confidence in them, who expects any good to arise from their getting possession of power, all that I will say of him is, that he is treasuring up for himself a most plentiful supply of disappointment and mortification.

I cannot close this article without expressing my astonishment, that the draughthorse duty should have been lost. Mr. Pitt's defence of it was an excellent specimen of that quickness, and that minuteness of statement, to which he owes so much of the admiration that is entertained of him amongst merchants, manufacturers, artizans, loanjobbers, and other persons of vulgar minds. Mr. Plumer, the member for Hertfordshire it was that opposed the bill in a motion for reading it a third time that day six months. Mr. Pitt said, in answer to Mr. Plumer: "I really do not think, that the tax will "produce the pressure which some gentle

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men apprehend. I believe the tax will "fall on the consumer, and the increase it "will here create in the price of the article "of corn, will amount to a sum so trifling, "that no one can think it any inconve "nience to any body. The whole of the "duty is estimated at £300,000, one-third "of which will be borne by those who keep horses for trades in large towns,

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"brewers and the like, so that the whole "amount of the duty on husbandry is only

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£200,00. The amount of the rental of England alone is thirty-seven millions; including Scotland, it is forty millions "sterling. The produce of land has been "calculated under the mark many years

ago, and since which great improvement "has been made; in no case is it calcu"lated at less than three times the rent: in 66 many it is five and six times that amount; "but taking it moderately at four times "the rent, the annual produce will then be

one hundred and sixty millions sterling. "Now, this duty is only one 750th part of "that prodace on the whole average of the "kingdom; and taking the bill in its most "objectionable shape in which gentlemen

chused to put it, that is distinguishing the "arable from pasture land, and taking it "to be more on the arable than on the pas"ture, it will then be one 1000th part of "the produce of the pasturage, and one

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500th on the arable land, and this, com

puting one quarter of corn to each indi"vidual in the kingdom in the year will "amount only to an additional charge of "three halfpence per annum, a sum, I appre

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hend not so alarming, nor any thing likely "to check the growth of corn!”

"And still they star'd, and still the wonder grew, "That one small head could carry all he knew!" THE ATONEMENT, which Mr. Pitt made, in the recent debate upon the Parish-Army bili, ought to be particularly attended to by the public. It will not easily be forgotten, that, in the debate of the 18th of June last, Mr. Canning, by way of justification of his conduct, in having consented to make part of the new ministry, said: "I shall content "myself with vindicating my own consis

tency. objected to the administration of "foreign affairs, and that has been changed." He made, at the same time, a similar remark with regard to Mr. Addington's office; but only what he said with regard to Lord Hawkesbury is applicable to the present purpose.In consequence of my baving, in p. 783 of Vol. VI, quoted the above passage of Mr. Canning's speech, and expressed my admiration of that hereditary disposi"tion to office" which induced Lord Hawkesbury to remain in the ministry after such a declaration on the part of Mr. Canning, a friend of the latter wrote me a very angry letter (Vel. VI. p. 995), asserting that I was totally ignorant of all that had passed relative to Mr. Canning and Lord Hawkesbury, and accusing me of having made a

representation disadvantageous to the former. Whereupon, a little piqued at such saucy reproof, I revived the subject, and in Vol. VI. p. 1015, made the following statement. "I have been told what has passed; what "I have been told I seriously declare, that "I sincerely believe; and it is this: Mr.

Canning having, on the 18th of June last, "made use of the words above quoted from "the Parliamentary Debates, Lord H. wrote "to Mr. Pitt, signifying his displeasure at "the conduct of Mr. Canning, and inti"mating the impossibility of his remaining "in office under such a representation as was contained in the public declaration of "the latter. Mr. Pitt, in answer, gave to "the speech of Mr. Canning a favourable "interpretation, and disclaimed any part, "either directly or indirectly, in any thing

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tending to give to the removal of Lord H. "the appearance of degradation. Mr. Pitt, "at last, came to this decision: that, if "Lord H. still looked upon the offence to "be of so serious a nature as to prevent "him from continuing in place with Mr. "Canning, the latter should give way, or, "in other words, be turned out. Mr. Can"ning, at the same time went to Lord H." (and I now find that he went the third time before Lord H. saw him) " and gave such explanations as were calculated to heal "the breach. Finally, Lord H. did not in"sist that Mr. Canning should be turned "out;" (I now find that his lordship said, that he should not insist upon it upon pri vate grounds; and that, if it was done, it ought to be upon public grounds); "but, by way of atonement to Lord H. it was agreed, that Mr. Pitt should take an opportunity of so speaking, in bis place in "parliament, as effectually to remove the impression, which M. "Canning's words

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were, in the apprehension of bis lordship "likely to have given." This opportunity has now been taken, and the atonement has been inade; as will appear from the following extract from Mr. Pitt's speech of the 6th instant. "An arrangement had no doubt "taken place in his Majesty's government, " and that arrangement was made with the "free will and entire concurrence of that no«ble lord, and it was never proposed with

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any other intention." [I am compelled to break off-The SUN asserts, that the Catholic Petition has been offered to Mr. Pitt; and that, he having refused to present it, it will not be presented by the consent of the deputation. This is a falsehood; and a falsehood evidently intended to mislead the public.]

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Corent Garden, where former Numbers may be had ; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mall.

VOL. VII. No. 12.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 23, 1805.

[PRICE 10D.

"It was upen account of the turn which the Catholic Question took, the success of which I conceive "to be essentially necessary, to the strength, prosperity, and unanimity of the United Kingdoms, that I felt "myself bound, in conscience and in honour, to give in my resignation. The early discussion and decision of "that question were incumbent upon those, who, under the circumstances of the union, which they were "so auspicious to effectuate, considered it as a measure of the utmost importance to the strength and tran"quillity of the empire. So strong is my conviction of the propriety and necessity of that measure, that "I could not continue to remain a member of that government which deemed it inexpedient to entertain it."MR. PITT's Speech in the House of Commons, 16th Feb. 1801.

417]

JAMAICA COMPLAINTS.

SIR,-In consequence of the perusal of the extract from the report of the Committee of the Assembly of Jamaica, inserted in a late number of your Register, I have procured a copy of the report, which I have read with much attention.--The topics of this very important document may be di vided into two heads.--1st. The necessity of the continuance of the slave trade, the falsehood of the assertions made in this country respecting it, and the mischievous. tendency of the repeated agitation of the question, and of the language used in its discussion.--2d. The hardships which the West Indian colonists actually suffer, and the ruin which they must justly apprehend, from the recent conduct of the mothercountry. On the first head, I shall confine myself to a single observation. One of the points on which the abolitionists and antiabolitionists are at issue, is the possibility of supporting the slave-population without fresh importations. I shall not enter into any of the allegations, or arguments employed on either side, but simply state, that we now have in our power the means of ascertaining how the fact really is. For this purpose we should only prohibit the importation of negroes into the conquered settlements; in doing which, we shall satisfactorily make the experiment, without detriment to our own colonies, and without subjecting ourselves to any imputation of breach of taith. See this briefly but strongly recommended on other grounds in your Register, Vol. VI. p. 815, 816, and in your last number p. 373. The second head consists of many particulars. —Diminution of the inequality in the custom duties on importation of West India, and on that of East India, sugar ——2. Raising the customs on West India sugar to an intolerable height.-3. Fixing a maximum on the price of sugar, too low in itself, and unaccompanied with countervailing provi sions, to prevent its being too much depreciated. 4. Raising the duties on rum to such a height, as has almost annihilated the

---I.

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consumption of it.1. As to the first point after Great Britain had acquired dqminion in the East, either in order to protect those of her subjects, who had been encouraged by her to employ th ir capital in the culture of sugar in the West Indies, she subjected the importation of that article from any part of her new acquisitions, to a duty of £37. 16s. 3d. on every £100 of gross sales; equal, I believe, to about 198. per cwt., at the same time that the duty on sugar imported from her old colonies was only 6s. 4d. per cwt. Under these circumstances, it will be seen that the former was to the latter, as three to one. Since that period, the mother-country has thought fit by successive augmentations, to raise the duty on the produce of her old sugar colonies to 26s. 6d. per cwt., and to lower (actually to lower it, for, at the present prices of East India sugars, £37.16s. 3d. on £100 of gross sales, would be about 30s. 4d. per cwt.) the duty on the produce of her new acquisitions, to 29s. id. per cwt. so that now the duties, instead of being in the proportion of three to one, are in the proportion of somewhat less than eleven to ten.

2. As to the second point, from what I have already stated, it will appear, that the customs on West India sugar have been raised from 6s. 4d. per cwt., to 26s. 6d. per cwt.; that is, that they have been more than multiplied fourfold. Mark the effect. The quantity retained for consumption in Great Britain, was in Duty

1801.... 2,753,445 cwt. 2,395,251
1802....
.2,249,772

1803... 1,430,417

2,180,220 1,134,587

3. As to the third point. The former system of Great Britain was this. By the navigation acts her West Indian colonists was compelled to send all the sugar, which they produced, in British vessels to some British port. To this restriction the colonists cheerfully submitted; because, although by no means unattended with expense and commercial inconvenience to them, it contributed most essentially to support and to improve the naval strength of

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