Or all the Periodical Journals devoted to literature and science which abound in Europe and in this country, this has appeared to me to be the most useful. It contains indeed the exposition only of the current literature of the English language, but this by its immense extent and comprehension includes a portraiture of the human mind in the utmost expansion of the present age. J. Q. ADAMS.

LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.-No. 267.-30 JUNE, 1849.

From the Edinburgh Review, April.

We would not, however, undervalue the indiPolitische Briefe und Charakteristiken aus der Deut-rect consequences of a high condition of the moral schen Gegenwart. Berlin, 1849. and intellectual faculties, in facilitating and perTHERE is an end, for the present at least, of fecting liberal institutions. Although the enorthe annual production of an average of ten thou-mous knowledge and unlimited speculation of the sand new German books at the Leipsic fair. Works Germans appear to be of small service to them in which might justly claim a world-wide reputation, resolving their political difficulties, yet it would and which literature and science are anxiously exbe most superficial to disbelieve that the indirect pecting, such, for example, as the correspondence influences which they exercise on the minds of between Newton and Leibnitz, lie dormant for want politicians, must in the main be advantageous. We of a publisher. The truth is, that everybody is do not anticipate, with Heine,* that German phinow too anxious to care about reading, and the losophy will lead on to practical results even more great problem of present life presses too heavily terrible, and to dispositions even more implacable, to permit even the German mind to live in the in- than did the doctrine of Rousseau in France. If, vestigations of the past or the visions of the future. indeed, a few desperate professors had it all their It is not that external danger threatens life or prop-in the region of facts that he had done in the reown way, the Kantian might work the same havoc erty, or that, except during some momentary con

vulsions, the ordinary surface of society may not

be well preserved; but the consciousness is everywhere visible that a new order of things has come, and that their world, at least, has made no preparation to receive it. No great men have been allowed to go before it and prepare for its advent; no political habits have been engendered to teach the value of moderation in action; and no political economy has been taught, to illustrate the necessary conditions of social life, and to define the limits of possible legislation. Revolution has come upon the most instructed, the most literate, the most thoughtful people of the world-and it is left to provide itself as it can, and to destroy more than it uses or requires.

gion of ideas; and turn up the very ground of European life, to root out the traces of the past; -the transcendentalist might regard all the confusion and suffering which he caused, as phenomena absolutely unimportant when compared with the ideal to be worked out by his will;-and the Hegelian pantheist might identify himself with the work of destruction, and revive the madness of the Berserkers, in the belief that out of the fury of the popular instincts would rise up a purer truth and a higher humanity.

For, fortunately, men do not act up to their theories; and, though such mental habits may, and probably will, stand in the way of the practical political settlement of the North of Germany, yet there is everything to hope for from such men as the authors of the book before us, who, though they look on political life under aspects that appear to us Englishmen somewhat theoretical and sentimental, nevertheless do really understand the practical conditions of the question, and see the difficulties they have to grapple with.

The moral of these circumstances, however palpable, is by no means trite or superfluous. Men have been so accustomed to speak of nations being prepared for liberal institutions before they obtain them, of something which was to be the instruction and discipline of the political catechumen, of some moral and intellectual foundation to be laid, upon which the political edifice was to rise in proThe chief writer in this correspondence is M. portionate and orderly beauty, that it is well that von Usedom, a Pomeranian nobleman, who emso clear an example has been exhibited of the in- ployed his youth in travelling through England competency of any but political culture to adapt and France, was afterwards Secretary of Legation mankind to the duties and capacities of political at Rome, then attached to the Foreign Office at life. The old analogy, of learning to swim with- Berlin, and is now Prussian minister to the Pope. out going into the water, remains accurately corHis functions have made him acquainted with the rect; for the whole art and mystery of constitu- most important personages in Germany and Italy; tional government is to teach men to govern them- and his remarkable acuteness and justness of perselves—and this is to be learned by experience ception have enabled him to form a valuable estialone. Neither man nor nation can be taught self-mate of their characters and designs. He writes control; and the processes and the conditions by with an almost undiplomatic frankness about men which the result is obtained are as complicated and and things; and it is a good sign for Prussia that as mysterious, in the national, as in the individual one of her public men can afford to express himself mind. Every moment in the world's history is so openly, not only in matters affecting the genthe result of all preceding time; and no science eral interest of Europe, but on subjects which of cause and effect can trace out what a people may, or may not become.

*In a remarkable passage of his "De l'Allemagne," which was not reproduced in the German version.

especially regard both the people and the rulers of
his own country.
On some he writes as a Prus-
sian; but generally his views are those of a true
German, understanding the needs and the interests
of the common fatherland.

It is from these feelings, that we cannot agree with M. von Usedom's estimate of the late king. | He admits that, in all questions of European policy, the king regarded himself and his ministers as hardly competent to come to a decision, and that Prussia, Germany, Italy, are the subjects of Vienna was consulted as a matter of course; he these letters, which passed during the last year allows that the belief of Prince Metternich that between M. von Usedom and one or more diplo- any development of political freedom and national matic friends;* and we would earnestly recommend independence would be fatal to the integrity of the this correspondence to the English reader as illus- Austrian monarchy, was the cause of the represtrating those latent political forces, which states- sion of all constitutional spirit in Prussia, and of men with us are so apt to overlook, and which our the consequent growth of unmitigated democracy; insular prejudices make us so unwilling, and often and he excuses the author of these great evils to so unable, to understand. Every page of this his country, by the suggestion that it was not in book admits that the old system has fallen--not his nature or in the circumstances of his life to from want of able supporters, not from outward cast off the bonds of the old system, and to adopt attacks, but because the vital force had left it, and a free and German policy. His simplicity of life because it was artificially sustained. Börne wrote and character-his administrative industry-his long ago, "we shall have a translation of the profound reverence for established law-well deFrench revolution into every European language, serve the affectionate remembrance of his people: and each man's business is to take care and make-assuredly, however, it can be no vindication of his own better than the original;" and this is true, -not from any mere imitation, but because the causes of the French revolution exist in one form or another in every continental state. When kings have lost the love and reverence of their people, and aristocracies their consideration and their wealth, the political prudence which maintains the one or the other can only be an efficient barrier against revolution in countries where political edu- Of the present king M. von Usedom writes cation has been widely diffused. The advantages with the reserve due to his own position and to of these institutions, as such, are incomprehensible the great task in which that sovereign is now ento a people who have never thought of institutions gaged, and yet without adulation. He describes at all, but have supported and endured these supe-him as having placed himself, in youth, in open riorities merely from reverential sentiment or phys- opposition to the existing political system; but as ical fear. And this is exactly the difficulty in having somewhat modified this disposition, rather which Europe is now placed, by the blind indis-out of reverential feeling (Pietát) towards his cretion of those who let the old springs of action wear away and provided nothing for the coming shock.

his memory, as a sovereign, to say that he subjected to a foreign dynastic policy not only the independent position of his nation, but the internal constitution to which, ever since 1810, his word was pledged. To the very last he adhered to the theory of the " essentially limited understanding of a subject,” which has now become the proverbial formula of the former state of things.†

father than from any growing favor towards despotism. A tendency towards idealization always inclined him to a large and liberal view; and In a previous article, (Jan. 1846,) especially di- he found compensation for what he may have rected to the case of Prussia, we foreshadowed made himself believe to be the necessary restricthe great dangers which beset that country in con- tions of Prussia, in a full and ardent sympathy sequence of the retrograde policy of the late and with that idea of German nationality which the indecision of the present sovereign. The delay had been baptized with the blood of Leipsic, and and circumspection, that appeared to many a high confirmed by the enthusiasm of the Burschenschafpolitical prudence, seemed to us pregnant with ten. Suppressed by Austria and her influences at danger, and every day that passed without a constitutional relation being established between the prince and the people, an incalculable loss. Who can say, whether the ultimate success which, notwithstanding all flux and reflux, will, we believe, attend the cause of constitutional liberty in the north of Germany, will not be owing to the concessions, however tardy, which introduced parlia-Grumbkow, the minister of Frederic William the First. mentary rights and responsibilities among the people of Prussia?

* Very interesting to us is the recognition by one of these correspondents, of the worth of the historical writings of Mr. Carlyle. They do not, he says, represent a mere map of the surface over which the writer moves, but reveal the secret wells and depths, the volcanic workings of nature, which the historical surface only conceals. "I do not know whether to call him the great physiologist or physiogomist of History-he is both." (P. 53.)

that period, this project has now assumed an important reality, which it may suit certain parties to assail by violence or ridicule; but which no demonstration of the difficulties that surround it -no exposure of the inconsistencies or extrava

tria under the old system, is apparent by the words which *How complete was the subjection of Prussia to Aus

addressed to Seckendorff: "Il nous faut toujours quelqu'un qui nous gouverne et en tout cas il vaut mieux que ce soit vous." [We must always have somebody to govern us; and it is always better for you to do it.] The last patent act of this fatal influence was the destruction of the independence of Cracow; which a statesman has designated "the Jena of Prussian diplomacy."

From the reproof given in 1837 by the minister Rochow to the Burgomaster of the busy town of Elbing, (which seems to take an especial interest in the affairs of other countries,) who had spoken in public against the suppression of the Hanoverian constitution.

gances of some of its advocates-nor, indeed, a failure for the present-or likely to cast out of the future history of Europe.

tion was equally difficult; and it required a most careful policy to steer between the banded powers of northern and central Europe and the energetic It is surely strange that Englishmen, even of demands of men like Lord Grey, Mr. Hobhouse, professedly liberal politics, have used—with re- and others, who urged the armed intervention of spect to the struggle for independence and national England, and seemed supported by public opinion. rights now going on in several countries-lan- What, then, is the reason and the meaning of the guage which, if followed by corresponding action, present identification of English interests with would not only erase patriotism from the list of the attempts at reaction against national rights virtues, but would hold passive resistance to the and constitutional principles throughout Europe? tyranny, even of a foreign power, to be the first Why is the minister unscrupulously attacked, of duties. Filmer has been outdone by modern who has labored-and, as yet, successfully, to English statesmen, speaking of Sicily and of Lom- avert a European war, and to permit to states in bardy. Men to whom the people of this country peril of anarchy at least some possible basis of have owed the most earnest appeals and the wisest organic reconstruction? Why is it forgotten that reasonings in the cause of the purification and per- he has used the large means of knowledge he posfection of our long-won freedom, have risen as the sessed, to warn governments of the dangers which insulters of nations struggling for the first elements he saw were inevitable, and to implore them, by of civil liberty. So that, with such singular per- timely concession, to mitigate the disasters which version of judgment in high places, it is hardly to they could not avoid? If we had the trust in our be wondered at that the efforts of independent na-national institutions we so glibly express, we tions to procure constitutional rights, and still less should surely rejoice in having been selected by that the yearnings of the distracted members of a Providence as the model of free and orderly govnominal nationality towards their formation as an ernment to mankind; and if we comprehended them integral reality, should be regarded with indiffer- aright, we should see that it is the expansiveness ence, if not with contempt, by persons so careless of our constitution which has saved it, and that it to be well informed in foreign politics as the ma- is the unyielding systematic nature of the contijority of our countrymen. nental governments which has proved their ruin.

For they have to do

All that time has brought to light of the more Germany is under the influence of two emoconfidential transactions of the treaty of Vienna tions, both long repressed—and it is the simulhas gone far to vindicate Lord Londonderry from taneous expression of both which produces so the imputation of taking a willing share in those much confusion and embarrassment. The subjects repressions of national and constitutional liber- of the separate states desire independent freedom ties which weakened and damnified that great through the means of representative institutions; compact. He saw clearly that the best security and the German people are calling for a United for peace was to make war perilous and difficult; Germany. Each of these organizations would thus his chief object was to give each independent surely give work enough in its own day-and state the best military frontier possible. In this German statesmen have now to construct them both sense, Lombardy was sacrificed-notwithstanding together, if at all. A tremendous task, almost the solemn personal assurance of the Emperor beyond the power of man! Francis to Sir Robert Wilson that he would have this with scanty means and poor materials, with nothing to do with it-for the purpose of giving habits of honest but servile administration, and Austria a bulwark against France; and thus, too, without that spirit of political concession which the attempt was made, though fruitlessly, to es- the custom of freedom alone can give. Honor then tablish an independent Poland between Russia and to those that succeed, and no disgrace to those Germany. England, indeed, great as was her that fail! There are processes which time remoral influence, had no physical force to bring to serves for his own work; and he jealously throws bear against the united powers of Russia, Austria, down, in his daily course, the best attempts to erect and Prussia; and, as afterwards occurred, they by sudden efforts what he himself intends to build became far too strong for us to control any injus-slowly and strongly, for the use of ages to come. tice or violence they might choose to commit. The Holy Roman Empire, in which enthusiastic When, in the words of the Holy Alliance, those men trace out a figure of German unity not quite three nations were to be governed as three recognized by history, ceased, after the Reforbranches of one family," and the French govern- mation, even to act as an effective federal bond. ment had every inclination to adopt the same pol- That great division completely separated the north icy, it was most difficult for any foreign minister from the south; and the victories of Frederic the to avoid placing this country in a position in Great, establishing a kingdom of free opinion in which it might have received insults it could not religious matters, averted the German mind from avenge. Lord Londonderry protested against the the notion of a central power, which it could not abrogation of the Sicilian constitution in stronger as yet conceive to exist anywhere but at Vienna. words than any Lord Palmerston has used during The independence and autonomy of the lesser states the last year; yet, having declared that the Prince thus became a necessity, which all the despotic Regent would not permit the act, he found him- liberalism of Joseph II. could not obviate. self compelled to accept it. Mr. Canning's posi-tria, too, more than once increased her own do

66

Aus

especially regard both the people and the rulers of his own country. On some he writes as a Prussian; but generally his views are those of a true German, understanding the needs and the interests of the common fatherland.

66

It is from these feelings, that we cannot agree with M. von Usedom's estimate of the late king. He admits that, in all questions of European policy, the king regarded himself and his ministers as hardly competent to come to a decision, and that Prussia, Germany, Italy, are the subjects of Vienna was consulted as a matter of course; he these letters, which passed during the last year allows that the belief of Prince Metternich that between M. von Usedom and one or more diplo- | any development of political freedom and national matic friends; and we would earnestly recommend independence would be fatal to the integrity of the this correspondence to the English reader as illus- Austrian monarchy, was the cause of the represtrating those latent political forces, which states- sion of all constitutional spirit in Prussia, and of men with us are so apt to overlook, and which our the consequent growth of unmitigated democracy; insular prejudices make us so unwilling, and often and he excuses the author of these great evils to so unable, to understand. Every page of this his country, by the suggestion that it was not in book admits that the old system has fallen-not his nature or in the circumstances of his life to from want of able supporters, not from outward cast off the bonds of the old system, and to adopt attacks, but because the vital force had left it, and a free and German policy.* His simplicity of life because it was artificially sustained. Börne wrote and character-his administrative industry-his long ago, we shall have a translation of the profound reverence for established law-well deFrench revolution into every European language, serve the affectionate remembrance of his people: and each man's business is to take care and make--assuredly, however, it can be no vindication of his own better than the original;" and this is true, his memory, as a sovereign, to say that he sub-not from any mere imitation, but because thejected to a foreign dynastic policy not only the incauses of the French revolution exist in one form or another in every continental state. When kings have lost the love and reverence of their people, and aristocracies their consideration and their wealth, the political prudence which maintains the one or the other can only be an efficient barrier against revolution in countries where political edu- Of the present king M. von Usedom writes cation has been widely diffused. The advantages with the reserve due to his own position and to of these institutions, as such, are incomprehensible the great task in which that sovereign is now ento a people who have never thought of institutions gaged, and yet without adulation. He describes at all, but have supported and endured these supe- him as having placed himself, in youth, in open riorities merely from reverential sentiment or phys- opposition to the existing political system; but as ical fear. And this is exactly the difficulty in having somewhat modified this disposition, rather which Europe is now placed, by the blind indis-out of reverential feeling (Pietát) towards his cretion of those who let the old springs of action wear away and provided nothing for the coming shock.

dependent position of his nation, but the internal constitution to which, ever since 1810, his word was pledged. To the very last he adhered to the theory of the " essentially limited understanding of a subject," which has now become the proverbial formula of the former state of things.

father than from any growing favor towards despotism. A tendency towards idealization always inclined him to a large and liberal view; and he found compensation for what he may have made himself believe to be the necessary restrictions of Prussia, in a full and ardent sympathy with that idea of German nationality which had been baptized with the blood of Leipsic, and confirmed by the enthusiasm of the Burschenschaften. Suppressed by Austria and her influences at that period, this project has now assumed an important reality, which it may suit certain parties to assail by violence or ridicule; but which no demonstration of the difficulties that surround it -no exposure of the inconsistencies or extrava

In a previous article, (Jan. 1846,) especially directed to the case of Prussia, we foreshadowed the great dangers which beset that country in consequence of the retrograde policy of the late and the indecision of the present sovereign. The delay and circumspection, that appeared to many a high political prudence, seemed to us pregnant with danger, and every day that passed without a constitutional relation being established between the prince and the people, an incalculable loss. Who can say, whether the ultimate success which, notwithstanding all flux and reflux, will, we believe, attend the cause of constitutional liberty in the north of Germany, will not be owing to the con*How complete was the subjection of Prussia to Austria under the old system, is apparent by the words which cessions, however tardy, which introduced parlia-Grumbkow, the minister of Frederic William the First, mentary rights and responsibilities among the addressed to Seckendorff": "Il nous faut toujours quelqu'un qui nous gouverne et en tout cas il vaut mieux que people of Prussia? ce soit vous." [We must always have somebody to govern us; and it is always better for you to do it.] The last patent act of this fatal influence was the destruction of the independence of Cracow; which a statesman has designated "the Jena of Prussian diplomacy."

* Very interesting to us is the recognition by one of these correspondents, of the worth of the historical writings of Mr. Carlyle. They do not, he says, represent a mere map of the surface over which the writer moves, but reveal the secret wells and depths, the volcanic workings of nature, which the historical surface only conceals. "I do not know whether to call him the great physiologist or physiogomist of History-he is both." (P. 53.)

From the reproof given in 1837 by the minister Rochow to the Burgomaster of the busy town of Elbing, (which seems to take an especial interest in the affairs of other countries,) who had spoken in public against the suppression of the Hanoverian constitution.