population. That is probably as large a percentage as ever upholds a revolution. The distribution of Loyalists varied greatly in the different sections. In the middle states they seem to have been clearly in the majority, while in New England and Virginia they were comparatively scarce.

Bitter enough at the start, the relations between Whigs and Loyalists became steadily worse as the war continued. The open and avowed Loyalists showed their feelings by supporting the British troops whenever possible, and by enlisting in the British army. According to Van Tyne, New York alone furnished about fifteen thousand men for the royal army and navy. Also Loyalist militia units were organized, and the rumor was that these companies in New York outnumbered Washington's whole army. Had the British government given a little more vigorous encouragement to this form of activity, the Loyalist troops would have been far more numerous. Naturally the states and the Continental Congress laid down policies for destroying this sort of opposition. Although in the early days of the war attempts at conversion were common, these soon gave way to a policy of revenge and what the Loyalists themselves described as persecution. Those who stayed at home were subjected to careful control, deprived of suffrage rights, and refused the privileges of citizenship if they would not take the oath of allegiance. They could not hold office, and they had no rights in court. No Loyalist could bring a suit at law, serve as guardian, make a will, buy or sell land, or serve on a jury. In order to make these restrictions more effective, the state legislatures passed laws prohibiting all speaking or writing against the patriot cause. It became a criminal. offense to speak disrespectfully of Congress, or to argue in favor of British authority in the United States, or to speak against the raising of troops for the war. Because spies were always at work, on both sides, it became necessary to identify strangers, and every traveler had to carry a certificate of "Americanism," from Congress or some duly authorized local committee. Innkeepers and stage

drivers were fined if they neglected to ask patrons to show their credentials. Tories of course could not get these certificates, so they were compelled to stay at home.

All these restrictions on what people like to call individual liberty have a familiar sound because of the very similar "pro-German" problem during the last war. No government will tolerate the things

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which the Loyalists did if it is strong enough to suppress them, liberty or no liberty. During the Revolution, as in other wars, discreet people realized this fact and kept out of trouble. In England the government was severely criticized during the whole war, but there the Whig opposition was so powerful that the king did not dare attempt to crush it.

Some of the Tories left the states voluntarily, as did those who went to Nova Scotia with Gage in 1776. Others were expelled by the state governments, and banished either for the duration of the war or permanently. This was accomplished in some places through the operation of state laws, in others through the application of tar and feathers. As they went, their property was confiscated, sometimes indirectly by a system of fines and special taxation, sometimes by direct seizure. For years after the war this question of Loyalist property remained to vex the country.

Of the more prominent Americans who changed sides after the war had started, perhaps Silas Deane and Benedict Arnold were the most conspicuous. Deane was the first American representative sent to France, and before the formal alliance he succeeded in securing quantities of supplies. But he became involved in difficulties with Arthur Lee, and in more serious ones over his accounts, although Lee was probably responsible for those. Angered by what he considered Congressional meanness in refusing adequate reward for his services, he went over to the British cause.

BENEDICT ARNOLD

The case of Benedict Arnold is considerably more tragic than that of Deane. In the early part of the war he had made a brilliant record in fighting against overwhelming odds. It was Arnold who prevented Carleton from reaching Albany in 1776, Arnold who turned St. Leger's expedition into a dismal failure in 1777, Arnold who really deserves much of the credit for maneuvering Burgoyne into his blind alley at Saratoga. He did all this too in spite of the refusal of Congress, for political reasons, to give him proper recognition in rank.

When the British evacuated Philadelphia in 1778, Washington sent Arnold, temporarily incapacitated for active service, to take command in the city. While there he married a Tory wife, and, apparently dazzled by the atmosphere of extravagance, spent money faster

than was wise. Various accusations were brought against him, but all the serious ones were disproved. Then too Congress refused to allow certain claims of his in connection with his Canadian campaign early in the war.

Upset by all these difficulties, he deliberately determined to betray the American cause. To this end he asked Washington for the command at West Point, the key to the American position in the north, and got it without question, because Washington always had the utmost confidence in him. Then he promised to surrender the place to the British commander, Clinton. His plans were uncovered through the capture of Major André, but owing to an unfortunate blunder Arnold himself was able to escape to the British lines. To any man with a sense of honor the betrayal of trust stands above all other forms of dishonesty for downright meanness. This was Arnold's offense, and therein lies the tragedy, that one of the most courageous and most brilliant of the American officers should have so completely ignored his obligations as a gentleman.

With difficulties to contend with such as those just described, as well as almost countless others, it is extraordinary that the Revolutionary leaders could continue the struggle. That they did so is due in large measure to the resourcefulness of Washington. But even with this asset it is doubtful if the Americans could have won without the assistance of some other nation. Such help was finally secured from France.

CHAPTER XIX

FOREIGN RELATIONS AND THE END OF THE WAR

Early in 1776, Congress learned in a roundabout manner that the French government was ready to help the American cause, provided it could do so surreptitiously. On the strength of this rumor, Silas Deane was sent over as a secret diplomatic agent. He was instructed to find out where the French government really stood, and to secure as much assistance as possible. All this had to be done decently, so that the wrath of England might not be turned loose upon France, so Deane traveled under an assumed name. In order to ward off all suspicion he posed as a merchant engaged in the West Indian trade, and in sending home his reports he used invisible ink. With the help of French officials Deane found it possible to secure arms from the French arsenals, and to get them duly shipped across the Atlantic.

BEAUMARCHAIS

After Deane had been in Paris for a time, he came in contact with one Caron de Beaumarchais, a brilliant, fascinating social climber and all-round genius. A watchmaker by trade, he had bought his way into the social ranks of the nobility, and once there, he became one of the most conspicuous of courtiers. Incidentally he was a writer of some fame, with the Marriage of Figaro and the Barber of Seville to his credit. He was also a speculator in business, and a desperado in matrimony, suspected of having poisoned two wives. To a man with his love of the dramatic, the American War held out entrancing opportunities for deep intrigue, and even before Deane arrived, Beaumarchais was plying Vergennes, the French foreign minister, with a scheme for aiding the United States. When Deane and Beaumarchais once got together not only were supplies forthcoming in large quantities, but loans were also available. The success of the mission to Paris was assured.

The plan of Beaumarchais, carried out with the approval of both Vergennes and Louis XVI, was to establish a commercial firm, under

the Spanish name of Roderique Hortalez et Cie. The business of this firm was to act as a secret channel, through which the French government could furnish ample assistance to the Americans. While the firm lasted Beaumarchais paid out over $4,000,000. Then, as a most unfortunate climax to his melodramatic, but very helpful scheme, Congress after the war declined to pay its debt to him. This refusal was due to the machinations of Arthur Lee, another American agent and general trouble maker. Although the heirs of Beaumarchais finally got a settlement in 1831, that was small help to the man himself, who had died in 1799.

All this informal assistance was valuable, but Congress wanted something more, preferably a formal treaty. To that end it created a special commission, including Deane, Benjamin Franklin, and Arthur Lee. Of this group, Franklin was far and away the ablest, and the only one fitted by temperament and training to get results. Deane was a man of mediocre talents, while Lee "went on through life quarrelling with one person after another," making himself disliked wherever he went. Subsequently Deane's place was taken by John Adams.

Franklin soon became the most admired man in France. His rare combination of homely wisdom, affected simplicity, uncanny astuteness, and sly wit made an extraordinary impression on all sorts and degrees of people. He seemed to be always at ease, no matter whether he was engaged in a serious conversation with Vergennes, in putting the suspicious Arthur Lee in his proper place, or—to the great scandal of Abigail Adams-in accepting the kisses and caresses of court beauties at a most elaborate dinner. His equanimity, which had remained unruffled under the invective of Wedderburn in England, was equal to any test.

But for a time not even Franklin's popularity and cleverness could induce the French government to commit itself to a treaty. The king was anxious to avoid giving offense to England, so anxious in fact that he would not allow Vergennes to receive the visitors officially; the meeting was a private one. Then, in the fall of 1776, when France got news of Washington's defeat on Long Island and of his retreat through New Jersey, the foreign office became noticeably cool. Diplomacy can accomplish little in the face of military reverses. Even Beaumarchais became alarmed for his own safety. "My government," he told Franklin, "will cut my throat as if I was a sheep."