CHAPTER VIII.

From the 14th to the 21st of May 1796.

The duke of Parma solicits a suspension of arms-Forbearance of Bonaparte -Conditions of the truce-The St. Jerome of Correggio-The duke's offer to ransom it is rejected-Bonaparte's letter to the directory-State of the public mind in Milan-Flight of the archduke-His pusillanimity— A deputation sent to Bonaparte-Massena enters Milan-Invests the castle -Public entry of Bonaparte―The French received as friends-The provisional government-Contribution-Justice but inconvenience of that measure-Purity and self-denial of Bonaparte-His reply to SalicettiHis letter to the astronomer Oriani-His communication to the professors' of the university of Pavia—Penury and nakedness of the army relieved— Armistice with the duke of Modena - Paintings and manuscripts taken from the gallery and library of Milan-Bonaparte's address to his army— Circumstances under which it was issued.

On his rapid march from Tortona, along the right bank of the Po, Bonaparte was met at his entrance into the territory of Parma by commissioners from the Duke, bearing a letter of intercession from the Spanish minister, and a solicitation from their master for peace and protection. This prince, an infant of Spain, had been expected to conform to the policy of the court of Madrid, in withdrawing from the coalition and signing the treaty of Basle, the previous July. He had, however, preferred signalizing his hostility to France, and his attachment to her enemies, by refusing to accept the mediation of the Spanish government, or to concur with the head of his house in acknowledging by a convention the French republic. He was therefore looked upon by the directory, and, as it would appear, admitted by himself to be, as far as he was capable of public hostility, an offensive party to the war ;

the storm of which, after thundering in the Alps and Appennines, and sweeping through the plains of Piedmont, was now threatening to concentrate its fury on his little state. At the appearance of danger, his pride, like that of greater princes, shrunk within the dimensions of his strength; and, claiming the mediation of Spain, he implored the mercy of the French general. His application was answered by Bonaparte in a letter to the Spanish minister at Parma, the Count Valdeparaiso, consenting to a suspension of arms, and requiring that agents of the duke, authorised to adjust its conditions, should meet him without delay at Placentia.

This forbearance towards a potentate, exposed to summary punishment both by his insolence and feebleness, was not only in conformity with the wishes of the directors, who were naturally anxious to cultivate the good will of Spain, but was recommended by reasons of military policy. In the actual crisis of the campaign, and the existing relations of France with the other states of Europe, the inconsiderable possessions, the parvula regna of the duke of Parma, were worth neither the time requisite to overrun, nor the trouble necessary to govern them. A suspension of arms, on terms acceptable to the duke, and approved by the representative of his kinsman and protector the king of Spain, besides leading to a peace, and detaching from the coalition another member of the Bourbon family, would acquire, for the French army, advantages of the greatest moment, without incurring the sacrifice of time, or the pain of extortion. Under these considerations, the armistice of Placentia, guaranteed by the concurrence of the Spanish envoy, was signed by Bonaparte on the 9th of May, just before his departure to put himself a second time at the head of his advance. The duke of Parma engaged to send commissioners to Paris, to treat for peace, and in the mean time to pay a military contribution of two millions of francs; to furnish, for the French army, seventeen hundred horses, twelve hundred for draught, four hundred for cavalry, and one hundred for the saddle, all suitably harnessed and equipped. He further contracted to supply, in the course of fifteen days, two thousand quintals of wheat, five thousand of oats, and two thousand bullocks. But a more interesting sacrifice, to which he now consented for the purpose of purchasing those immunities of neutrality that hitherto he had disdained to accept, was embraced

in the fourth article of the armistice, which stipulated for the delivery, at the choice of the French general, of twenty of the finest paintings existing in the dutchy (1).

This was the first time, at least in the history of modern war, that the productions of the fine arts, were introduced into the conventions of hostile states, as equivalents for the concession of peace, or substitutes for the spoils of conquest. The measure, though sanctioned by the directory, originated with Bonaparte, and lent a grace and refinement to his warfare, which reflecting lustre on the French arms, harmonized the rudeness of military fame, with the softer glories of taste and imagination. The homage of other conquerors for the masterpieces of art, had been shown by seizing with avidity, or leaving with indifference, such specimens as the chance of war placed within their reach. The arm of victory had transferred from Corinth to Constantinople, and thence to Venice, the famous horses of bronze. In later times, Frederick the great, though twice in military possession of Dresden, left untouched and almost unnoticed the objects collected in the royal gallery. The livelier sympathy of Bonaparte for the efforts of genius, rendered it impossible for him, to desecrate or neglect its creations. What had hitherto been subjects of military rapine, princely exchange, selfish display, or private acquisition, he elevated into considerations of national compact and means of public relief and refinement, receiving, as compensation for territory which he might have occupied, and treasure which he could have exacted, a small selection of Italian paintings. This proceeding, which evinced equal respect for talent and humanity, and opened a higher sphere of glory for the arts, made the magic of Correggio's pencil, turn aside from his country the ravages of war (2).

In order to make the choice with proper care and judgment, Bonaparte had requested the French minister at Genoa, as early as the 1st of May, to furnish him with a list of the most admired paintings and statues to be found in Milan, Parma, Placentia, Modena, and Bologna; and, after notifying the directory of his intention to require from the Duke of Parma a heavy contribution, in punishment of his obstinate adhesion to the coalition against France, had requested them to send to his headquarters three or four connoisseurs, who might designate such objects as were best worth the expense of conveyance to Paris, and the honour

of a place in the museum of the Louvre. But the rapidity of his conquests, outstripping the expedition of his correspondence and the measures of the directory, in executing the convention with the Duke of Parma, he had recourse to the services of general Cervoni, who appears, from his letters, to have executed the object of his mission with modesty and intelligence. By the zeal of this officer, the St. Jerome of Correggio, the chef-d'œuvre of that artist, was sent off to Tortona on the route to Paris, as early as the 18th of May. The bigotry of the duke, who, although he was an élève of Condillac, lived surrounded by monks, and buried in superstitious observances in the castle of Colorno, rendered him more sensible of the value of the saint than of the painting, and he offered to redeem his image at the price of two millions of francs. As this sum would be likely to pass through the hands of the army agents, they were pleased at the liberality of the offer, and urged the general to accept it. His reply, which shews that patriotism and glory, the incentives of his vigour in war, were the motives of his moderation in peace, was in these unprophetic words "The two millions, if accepted, would soon be gone, while the great work of Correggio will be the ornament of Paris for ages, and the parent of masterpieces like itself."

The language of his letter communicating a copy of the armistice which he had granted to the Duke of Parma, is remarkable as an illustration of the temper of the public mind in Paris, at the time a consciousness of his vast capacity first actuated him, and the influence of its force was just beginning to be felt in France. That indifference for the Christian religion, which, in consequence of the writings of philosophers, the corruption of the clergy, and the fury of the revolution, prevailed among the French people, was supposed to be faithfully represented by a majority of the directors; while, in the person of one of them, was a chief of the Theophilanthropists, a deistical sect who, renouncing the doctrine of revelation altogether, substituted, for the worship of Jesus and the invocation of saints, hymns to the supreme being, and songs of praise to the virtues. Glancing at this complexion of the government, Bonaparte, when informing the directors that he was about to send them the St. Jerome of Correggio, observed with a mixture of pleasantry and reproach, "I confess the saint chooses an unlucky time for visiting Paris; but I hope you will

grant him the honours of the Museum." A respect for religion, and a preference for that in which he was born, early implanted in his mind, never altogether deserted him; and, though faintly intimated on this occasion, soon began to impress itself on his public conduct, and eventually determined some of his most important measures (3).

In Milan, where the population and authorities were different in origin, and opposed in interest, the repeated success and rapid advance of the French army had excited conflicting sentiments. Hope animated the citizens, who sympathizing in the popular principles of the French revolution and submitting painfully to Austrian domination, foresaw, in the triumph of the republican arms, the downfalt of that sway which had so long oppressed them. Fear actuated the court, who, conscious that their power and privileges had been carved out of the national feeling and civil rights of their subjects, felt that the shock which should weaken their grasp for a moment, might restore their prey to liberty for ever. In this extremity the Archduke Ferdinand, who, as viceroy of his nephew the Emperor, governed the Milanese, instead of joining Beaulieu, or meeting Bonaparte in the field, repaired to the churches, and fatigued heaven with processions, penitence, and prayer. From the awful ceremonies of mass and the sacrament, he descended, as the front of danger approached, to the humbler forms of supplication and charity, offering, in his trepidation, relief to others, as the means of obtaining help for himself. Alms were bestowed by the court, and collected in the churches, for the widows and orphans of soldiers slain in battle; and, a more doubtful appeal to the Almighty, the reliques of saints and martyrs were carried in procession, with lights and incense burning through the streets. But the arm of Beaulieu was not strengthened, nor the progress of his conqueror impeded, by virtue of these pious importunities, and the Archduke, having received intelligence of the action at Fombio, had recourse to a less devout and precarious method of safety. About noon on the 9th, accompanied by the Archduchess and the officers of his court, he left Milan for Venice, shedding womanish tears at parting from princely possessions, which, as force had given them, force was now snatching away. The people who assembled to witness his departure, testified neither joy nor sorrow as the royal fugitives made their way through the streets. From a sense of decency, they de