well be doubted, without any disrespect to Mr. Cobden, if he would have thought this measure insufficient had the circumstances to which it was applied occurred elsewhere than in the cotton districts. Mr. Potter, who estimated the present weekly loss of wages at 140,000l., was of the same opinion as to its insufficiency; and the members for North Lancashire and Oldham expressed their preference for a public loan. Mr. Cobden thought the legislation of the Romans equally relevant with the Act of Elizabeth, and urged that the Government should allow the guardians a power of contracting loans to be lent to the distressed operatives, who, he stated, would gladly repay every farthing upon the return of good times. This but ill accords with the very anxious desire expressed by so many of the better class of operatives, to avoid anything like a mortgage of their future; and without going the length of saying that the men would have repudiated these loans, it may be safely affirmed that considerable difficulty would have attended their repayment, while the precedent thus established would have been most unfortunate. Probably, Mr. Cobden will not now regret that his advice was not accepted; and could he have foreseen to what a small extent the guardians would be called upon to avail themselves of any extraordinary powers, it is possible that Rochdale might at least have given a silent assent to the introduction of the Union Relief Aid Bill.

It will be useful to review the circumstances attendant upon the introduction of this measure, in their relation to the subsequent operation of the Act. The recollection of them will give increased interest to the account of this operation, and incidentally it will be further effective as a commentary on the value of parliamentary utterances. In the committee upon the Bill, Mr. Villiers introduced amendments, fixing the amount of rates upon payment of which the parish might call for a rate-in-aid upon the union, and the union upon the county, at five shillings in both cases; and substituting a special order of the Poor Law Board for the proposed Order in Council. It was so obviously desirable that the point of pressure at which the operation of the Bill commenced should be a fixed sum, that the omission suggests something like an oversight in its preparation. Upon Mr. Potter's suggestion, Derbyshire

was included, and with these improvements the Bill rose into higher favour with the Lancashire members. But some were still discontented, and expressed their fears that the local poor-rates would be unbearably oppressive. No doubt they would have preferred that the casual profits of the calamity should be received by the cotton trade, and that the cost of relieving the poor should be borne by the nation. But the justice of Parliament would not suffer this. While the House was in Committee upon the Bill, Mr. Cobden reproved Lord Palmerston for his want of appreciation of the millowners' sympathy with their unfortunate 'hands.' He stated, roundly, that ninety-nine out of every hundred of the manufacturers were working at a loss. This may have been correct in the present tense, and within the technical definition of the term manufacturer, but he would be very reckless of truth who should now assert that these ninety-and-nine were actual losers by their industry. Besides, there was a class of cotton-spinners whose goods were even then in very active and profitable demand.

The Bill was destined to undergo further alteration. It was suggested that it would be much more easy to pay the extra burdens of these hard times upon the return of prosperity, and that therefore a power of raising loans would be preferable to that of calling for a rate-in-aid. It was

further contended that, as the excess of rates above the average amount would be incident upon the occupier without imposing any charge upon the property-owner,by deferring the time of payment the burden would be borne with more proportionate equality. These suggestions were both plausible and just. When it was seen to be the desire of the Legislature to grant this borrowing power, no objection was raised on the part of the Government. Their endeavour in framing the measure had been to adhere as closely as possible to the principle of the existing law. As an alternative for the rate-in-aid, it was conceded that the boards of guardians, with the sanction of the Poor Law Board, might raise loans to be secured upon the common fund of the union. Three shillings in the pound was subsequently fixed, in lieu of five shillings, as the amount of rates which a parish must bear before calling for the rate-in-aid. Finally, a clause was inserted

K

giving the chairman and vice-chairman of a union power to appoint a guardian to represent the union in the extraordinary administration of relief under this Act, a privilege which, it may be said, was never made use of.

In the House of Lords the Union Relief Aid Bill received some discussion, but no amendment. On the second reading, Lord Fortescue spoke of Mr. Farnall's speeches in the North as 'bunkum,' and from them made the rather startling deduction that the Poor Law Board was a superfluous institution. It is perhaps too much to expect that the dignified occupants of those red benches, which support the hereditary senators of the Upper House, will often condescend to join in the battle of life and learn the difficulties of keeping an outpost. It is far easier— though far less honourable-to rise from those cushions and criticise the workers; careless, to all seeming, of the personal feelings of those assailed, and of the more important interests of the service in which they are engaged. As an ex-secretary of the Poor Law Board, Lord Fortescue might have been expected to be conversant with its rules and regulations, as well as with the letter and spirit of the Poor Laws. The conviction is inevitable that he had not this knowledge; otherwise he would have known that the speeches to which he referred not only contained nothing contrary to the law, but threw a clear light on its provisions, and probably for the first time made it popular.

On the third reading, the Bill was subjected to much comment. Opposition Lords blamed it for coming so late in the Session, and expected that Lancashire would have borne rates of ten shillings in the pound before appealing to the Legislature for assistance. They assumed that the present annual charge for poor-rates in Lancashire was under two shillings in the pound, which, though true, if the total amount collected had been charged upon the assessment of the county, was by no means correct in respect of certain townships and parishes. In support of the measure, it was shown that its introduction at the commencement of the Session, would have had the effect of lessening the national sympathy for the distressed population of the cotton districts, and of diminishing the local ability of self-help. It was also shown that the poor-rate of Preston was at this date seven times greater than it had

been in the previous year, and a Lancashire peer gave his opinion that a five-shilling rate would be in fact a fifteenshilling rate upon those who could pay the demand of the overseers. Three days after this debate, and but five before the beginning of grouse-shooting, the Bill became law by receiving the Royal Assent, and Parliament was prorogued with a flattering recognition in the Queen's speech of the manner in which Lancashire was bearing her trials Her Majesty trusting that this Act woud tend to mitigate the distress. So the Session of 1862 passed away, conspicuous by the absence of any very important national legislation, leaving Europe in peace, America in the midst of war, London lounging in the International Exhibition, and Lancashire deeply plunged into a distress which was borne with dignity and fortitude, and supported by the active sympathy of the Government and the nation.

CHAPTER VII.

JULY-SEPTEMBER 1862.

'THE DUCHESS OF LANCASTER' sent a donation of 2,000l. to the Cotton Districts Relief Fund in July 1862. By this title the Queen claimed her right to contribute towards the relief of the sufferings of her subjects in and about the County Palatine. A homily upon the duties of crowned heads might be read from this simple action. While it reflected honour upon the Sovereign as the graceful expression of her sympathy, and upon the nation over which she ruled, it also implied a homage to the principle of local responsibility,-a principle next dear to that of their country's honour in the minds of Englishmen. The gift was well-timed, for the autumn and winter prospects of Lancashire were the worst that had ever been known. Nor is it likely that the example given by the Queen, as Duchess of Lancaster, was lost upon the property owners of less degree in the cotton districts. As yet the manufacturers and commercial classes had not done very much to swell the subscription lists. It had been proposed that a guarantee fund should be established, payable by instalments, to be called up by a committee; but this proposition met with no very favourable reception. It is possible that now, looking back upon events which are past, and obligations which have been incurred, there are many of the capitalists of Lancashire who regret that this mode of meeting the distress was not adopted. And though it is not to be denied that the Cotton Famine was a national calamity, nor can it be asserted that England has done more than her duty as the mother of Lancashire, yet it may well be thought that the character of the manufacturing districts for wealth and independence would have