be so presumptious as to point out, as a Congress of some of the ablest and wisest Men in America are soon to meet on the Occasion, and as he hopes, should they come together in a Spirit dictated by Moderation and Prudence, and an unbiassed Regard for the true Interests and Welfare of both Countries, their Knowledge of the Constitution of the English Government, and of the just Rights and Liberties of the Subject, will enable then to bring this dangerous Controversy to an happy Conclusion.' Lord N's Political Creed with respect to America. Sir, From a London Paper, June 4th 1774. Parliamentary Determinations being generally considered in the present Times as coinciding with the Ministers Inclinations, it may not be unentertaining to your Readers to have a clear Idea of the Principles by which the present Premier has been guided in this novel and interesting Contention between Great Britain and her Colonies; the Dispute with whom, he opines to lie within a much narrower Compass than the generality of Writers have extended it to in their voluminous Argumentation on this Subject. He maintains that the whole Reasoning on this Question may be fairly deduced from one single Postulate, viz. that the Inhabitants of the British Colonies are Subjects of the British State. 1 Some of the arguments presented in the foregoing pamphlet were submitted by Joseph Galloway, of Pennsylvania, to the Continental Congress.-Works of John Adams, II., 372. The general style of the paper corresponds with his vacillating course at this period. These facts and the well-known intimacy between him and Governor Franklin afford reason for the belief that he was the Governor's secret correspondent, and the author of the pamphlet reprinted above.-[W. N.] 2 Lord North? This being granted, their Pretensions must necessarily be founded on one or other of the following Pleas: First, that certain natural unalienable and exclusive Rights, Privileges, and Exemptions, are annexed to Emigration, altho' the Emigrants continue to acknowledge a Subjection to the Mother State, or that they have acquired such distinct Rights, &c. by Charters or other Grants from the Legislature of the Mother Country. The former of these Pleas has, I believe, never been advanced, and must indeed necessarily be excluded; because without the Permission of the State the Subjects thereof have no Right to abandon their native Country; at least if they do, in Breach of an Injunction of the Legislature, they virtually become Outlaws, and forfeit all Privileges in the Country to which they originally belonged. The second Plea, though perhaps more plausible in Appearance, is at least equally destitute of Validity, for this plain Reason, that all local and distinct political Privileges they can lay claim to, must unavoidably be derived from the supreme Power of the Mother Country, which is equally co-existent and co-efficient at all Periods; for surely if two Estates of the Realm have Power to alter and establish the Succession to the Crown, (which the Americans have acknowledged) it would be absurd in the extremest Degree to suppose they cannot in Conjunction with the Crown enact new Laws, or amend and abrogate any former ones, where they judge it expedient for the good of the State. It is manifest their Charters can have no greater Degree of Validity than others granted under the same Powers, yet the Right of Government of altering, abridging, or restraining those Charters, although murmured at by interested Parties, has never been controverted with any Degree of Plausibility. This System of Reasoning, however, has no Aim or Tendency to abridge or defeat their true and essential Claim of Redress when they conceive themselves to be injured or oppressed by partial and inadequate Laws; but is rather meant as a friendly Hint and Admonition, that, instead of attempting to extort by Violence a Redress of what they apprehend to be Grievances, they should apply for it in such a Manner as the Constitution obviously prescribes, which is plainly the only one that can afford them a rational Prospect of Success, or of preferring to themselves the Common Rights of their Fellow Subjects, since they cannot but be aware of the fatal Consequences of incurring, by their Obstinacy, the Hazard of being put upon the Footing of a conquered People by those who at present wish to acknowledge them as Brethren of the same State. This is what you may venture to publish as the political Creed of L. N. with respect to America. I am, Sir, Your most humble Servant, J. P. S. L. H. Letter from Benjamin Franklin to Gov. Franklin, on American Affairs. [From Works of Benjamin Franklin, edited by Sparks, Vol. VIII., 130.] Dear Son, LONDON, 7 September, 1774. *** You mention, that my presence is wished for at the Congress; but no person besides in American has given me the least intimation of such a desire, and it is thought by the great friends of the Colonies here, that I ought to stay till the result of the Congress arrives, when my presence here may be useful. All depends on the Americans themselves. If they make, and keep firmly, resolutions not to consume British manufactures till their grievances are redressed, this ministry must fall, and the laws be repealed. This is the opinion of all the wise men here. I hear nothing of the proposal you have made for a Congress of Governors. I do not wonder so much as you do, that the Massachusetts have not offered payment for the tea. First, because of the uncertainty of the act, which gives them no security that the port shall be opened on their making that payment. Secondly, no precise sum is demanded. Thirdly, no one knows what will satisfy the custom-house officers; nor who the others are, that must be satisfied; nor what will satisfy them. And fourthly, they are in the King's power, after all, as to how much of the port shall be opened. As to "doing justice before they ask it," that should have been thought of by the legislature here, before they demanded it of the Bostonians. They have extorted many thousand pounds from America unconstitutionally, under color of acts of Parliament, and with an armed force. Of this money they ought to make restitution. They might first have taken out payment for the tea, and returned the rest. But you, who are a thorough courtier, see everything with government eyes. I am sorry for the loss of Sir William Johnson, especially at this time of danger from an Indian war. I see by the papers that you were with him at the time.' A Spanish war is now seriously apprehended, 1 The general outbreak on the frontier in the spring of 1774, commonly known as Dunmore's war, was precipitated by the massacre at Yellow Springs, on March 1, 1774, of several of the relatives of Tal-gah-jute, or Logan, the noted Indian Chief, whose alleged speech in reference to the cruel deed, which he is said to have charged to Colonel (i. e., Captain) Michael Cresap, has been given a world-wide fame by Jefferson -Notes on Virginia, Philadelphia, 1788, 66-8; Newark, 1801, 94-6: Trenton, 1803, 86-8, with Appendix, 311-356. (The Appendix was first published at Philadelphia, in 1800, and in separate form).—Biographical Sketch of the Life of the late Captain Michael Cresap, by John J. Jacob, Cumberland, Md., 1826, reprinted, Cincinnati, 1866. The best account of Logan and his alleged speech is Brantz Mayer's discourse, “Tah-gah-jute, or Logan, and Captain Michael Cresap," delivered before the Maryland Historical Society, 9 May, 1851, wherein he traces the "evolution" of the Logan speech. The massacre in question, which was as and the stocks of course are falling. The August packet is hourly expected, when I hope to hear of your safe return and health. Your affectionate father, B. FRANKLIN. Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to Gov. Franklin, expressing the King's anxiety concerning the Congress in Philadelphia. [From P. R. O. America and West Indies, Vol. 177 (195).] WHITEHALL 7th Sept 1774. Sir, Governor Franklin. I have received & laid before the King your dispatches of the 13th & 28th June numbered 13. & 14. The Acts & Proceedings of the Legislature, with your Observations Upon them, will be laid before the Board of Trade so soon as that Board meets after the usual Recess; And it will be my duty to take Care that all possible dispatch is given to the Consideration of them at that Board. I must not omit this Opportunity of expressing to you how great Concern it has given the King to find cribed at the time to "Cressop," aroused the Six Nations, who hastened to consult their old friend, Sir William Johnson, at Johnson Hall, New York, about 600 assembling between June 19 and July 8. It is quite probable that Sir William invited Governor Franklin to attend this conference, in view of his popularity with the Indians at the Convention of 1768. (See ante, 56-8.) Moreover, the agitation on the frontier was largely caused by the aggression of the Ohio Company of Virginia (see Jacob's Cresap), whose aims were somewhat antagonistic to those of the Ohio Company in which Sir William Johnson and Governor Franklin were concerned, and this was another reason why these men should confer. The conference with the Indians extended through July 9, 10, 11 and 12, on which last-mentioned day Sir William, already feeble in body, and greatly oppressed with the importance of the negotiations he was conducting, died suddenly. He was buried the next day at Johnstown, New York. 'The Pall was supported by His Excelly the Governor of New Jersey the Judges of the Supreme Court of New York, and other Persons of note who happened to be at Johnstown at that time."-N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 471-80.-W. N.] |