and the light streaming from the open door of the stage-station was caught on the steel barrel of his gun as he leveled it at my breast.

But the bullet went z-i-p-ping over me, as Viking plunged forward on his head and neck-his feet pointing straight at the pale moon for a second, then falling with a heavy thud, in the dusty road. Dag was turned backward when the horse went down, and he had no time to save himself. He pitched over the animal's head, caught at the trailing vines on the edge of the narrow road, and as they tore up in his desperate grasp, he clung to them as he went bumping, crashing, plunging from rock to tree-trunk, into the little clumps of scruboak, out again, and down, down, till that which struck the railroad-track at last had

no uprooted vines, nor hands to hold them, nor breath or sense or shape of humanity any more.

No; I was n't married that night, nor for many a night after. I lay trying to see if I had any strength left in me for long fever-tortured weeks. "T was a close shave; for, sir, I've always believed 't was my strength carried us over those last miles.

Red Bird? Stone-blind, sir! The last light her poor eyes ever saw was the moonlight when we struck the three-mile grade. She gets more care than anything else in the stalls, and, though the value of my racers would reach pretty well to six figures, my wife would n't take the whole string in exchange for old blind Red Bird.

HOUGHTFUL

TH

citizens of our great country are devoting much attention to the future policy of the nation with regard to the Philippines. Already "Anti-imperialists" are ranked against "Expansionists" in well-defined classes, and the fundamental principles of government will be more closely scrutinized than they have been since the era of discussion which preceded our Civil War.

Able men on both sides of this controversy admit its serious nature, and do not waste their time in the small work of attacking the motives of their opponents. It is important that the reasons for and against the retention of the Philippines shall be stated clearly and with entire freedom from the verbose denunciation of ordinary political warfare. It is not important to say that those who have urged the Filipino war are tyrants, or that those who have opposed it are traitors.

The essential problems of expansion are entirely distinct from the war upon the Filipinos. No matter whether a citizen of the United States believes or does not believe that the war was just and wise, he VOL. XXXV— -4

must still face the consideration of a policy to be adopted as to the relations that shall exist between the Americans and the people they conquer.

The greatest and most serious objections of anti-imperialists are not against the war, deplorable as it seems to them. Their objections are not particularly against the islands; for if they were not densely populated by seven or eight millions of people low in the scale of civilization, and of a race dissimilar to our own, it is reasonably certain that very little opposition would be made to the plans of expansionists. The real contest is over the people of the Philippines and their future relations with our own people. Anti-imperialists are willing that this country shall expand if the territory thus obtained is either not inhabited, or is very thinly inhabited, or is inhabited by people who are fit in race and civilization to become citizens of the United States. They object to any expansion which adds to this nation large numbers of people greatly inferior to our own in civilization and of a different race, or which places

such people permanently under our control, compelling this nation to assume the responsibility for their political behavior.

The expansionist, on the other hand, so far as his policy is now formulated, believes that the time has arrived when the commercial interests of the nation and its duty to other nations, require that it shall retain control of the Philippines and their people as an immediate issue, and extend the same national action to other communities who may be under similar conditions and apparently in need of a guardian. We are to "take up the white man's burden," which is defined as subjugating and dominating weaker people temporarily if not permanently for the purpose of benefiting them;-first, by teaching civilization and good government; second, by increasing their financial prosperity while we compel them to keep the peace; third, by filling our own pockets at the same time, through commercial relations to be established with them. In the minds of many active expansionists the last reason is certainly not the least. The immediate object of expansionists is to hold the Philippines under some form of government dictated by this nation and upheld by military power, and to continue forcible government of this kind "till the Filipinos shall become capable of self-government." The expansionist who is able to clearly explain what constitutes self-government, and when a people become capable of selfgovernment, has not yet presented his thoughts to the public. The future which the expansionists propose for the Filipinos whom they propose to govern is, therefore, very indefinitely outlined.

The immediate object of the anti-imperialist is to convince the American people that political relations. now existing between the Americans and the Filipinos ought to be severed at the earliest possible moment by permitting them to set up their own government or governments in the islands, and by withdrawing all our claims to "sovereignty,"-that word of all words most inappropriate to the principles of a republic. An object more remote is to convince the people that the subjugation and retention of any other body of inferior people is a policy unworthy of a civilized nation and disastrous in the end to those who engage in it.

These propositions are usually met by the effusively patriotic expansionist with the inquiry, "Would you pull down the American flag?" To this the anti-imperialist firmly answers, "Every time, when it is hoisted over millions of people who in no way comprehend what that flag signifies." Anti-imperialists love the real nature of free institutions too well, and venerate the American flag as the emblem of them too much, to be willing that the flag shall be used as the sign of despotic power.

The ultimate destiny of the Filipinos under expansion is either to become a part of this nation under territorial and state forms of government, or else to assume the forms of colonies under the sovereignty of the United States, subject to our control and direction, but not forming any part of the republic and not being capable of admission to it. No choice can be offered except between these two plans, for the Filipinos must become our partners, or remain our subjects, unless they immediately become independent. Now, compelling a people to work as we direct is industrial slavery; compelling them to submit to government which we direct is political slavery. It is not desirable to cheat ourselves by calling usurpation by some other name. Negro slavery was not bettered by calling it a peculiar institution," nor by alluding in the Constitution. to the slaves as "people held to service or labor." Slavery was not made just or beneficial by alleging, what was partly true, that the negro was better protected from his own ignorance and improvidence while a slave than as a freeman. Subjecting the Filipinos to a foreign control which they do not desire and which they would not seek of their own spontaneous action, is not made a whit more respectable by calling it "beneficent assimilation."

"

The present doctrine of expansion in its ultimate significance is vastly more hazardous than the mere future relations between this nation and the Filipinos. The policy of subjugation is capable of extension so long as any nations remain on the face of the earth that are weaker than the United States. Many rudimentary nations undeveloped to our own degree of civilization still exist, and the chronic instability of their government is a con

menace to the business relations which the great commercial syndicates desire to establish. The expansionist idea in its entire significance, following along the lines of British domination, implies the gradual subjugation of these weaker groups of people by the stronger and more. highly civilized powers, and the establishment of military control with the hope that trade may flourish and fortunes be accumulated. The subjugation and retention of the Philippines is merely an incident in the logical and natural development of this kind of expansion, if the people of the United States accept the doctrine and proceed to put it into operation. The Philippines are under process of absorption. Cuba is occupied, and a proposition to annex the island with all its mongrel population may be made any day. We have Porto Rico, Hawaii, and a portion of the Samoan group. There

remain in somewhat anxious expectancy Havti, Mexico, China, and the Central and South American States. The policy has for its ultimate issue an EnglishAmerican alliance and the colonial methods of Great Britain.

The opponents of this extreme form of expansion do not deplore any and every increase in the area and population of this country. Many anti-imperialists, like David Starr Jordan and John J. Valentine, are evolutionists in their habit of thought. Whatever may otherwise be said of the men who have organized against expansion regardless of political faith, it cannot be charged that they are ignorant either of the history of their own country, or of the world's social evolution. Such men comprehend very clearly that no country can remain stationary in area or population. They do not expect or desire this nation to remain stationary, but they hope to see its progress directed along lines of greater freedom instead of continuing in the deeply worn ruts of medieval despotism. They want this nation to grow not merely bigger but better. Anti-imperialists might regard with favor a voluntary union. between this country and the British American States; they would deplore as a national calamity any political connection, forced or free, between this country and China, no matter whether the Chinese became citizens with our people, or we forced them to acknowledge us as sover

eign." The development of this country should be regarded as the "expansion" of a man's farm. When a farmer requires more land than he owns and can use it to advantage, he may with benefit to himself extend his farm by the purchase of contiguous territory. But if he merely becomes greedy for possessions that he cannot use, and obtains land located at a distance from his home, unfit in character and situation for his occupancy, and claimed by a rival purchaser ready to litigate for its possession, the expansion does not seem to be characterized by the good business sense which nations as well as farmers ought to display.

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Many an expanding farmer has become "land poor" and bankrupt in the effort to pay taxes upon unproductive property. Many a greedy nation has drifted to the same unhappy fate, paying its taxes to the war-god as tribute exacted from all who do him reverence. Among bankrupt nations, Spain is now the most conspicuous, although her position as imperialistic power was once prouder than England's. If the Spanish people had abandoned their colonies of inferior people a hundred years ago, and had devoted their attention to the development of their own intelligence and the resources of their country, Spain might now be one of the most vigorous and prosperous nations of Europe instead of the most decrepit. Imperialism is only a modified form of slavery, and like slavery it weakens and debauches in the end the people who practice it. The absence of industrial activity in the Southern States as a legacy from slavery when it was abolished, indicates the condition of any people who expend their energies in controlling inferior races instead of developing their own capabilities.

In the development of nations from the little warring clans of antiquity, the evolution of strength and the progress of decay are easily perceptible. The voluntary consolidation of clans or of more highly developed political organizations, in which the people were similar in race and color, even if dissimilar in language and religion, has uniformly resulted in national vigor and efficiency. The result of such unions could not be otherwise, because that kind of increase or expansion is founded upon mutual desires and

interests. All the great European nations have developed in this way, the latest step in the process being the union of the German States under Bismarck's wise policy. The formation of the United States by the union of the thirteen colonies was an instance of this national evolution. Even where a forced union has followed upon wars between two embryo nations of this kind, involving the conquest of one by the other, the results are not evil in the end although there may be usurpation and tyranny in the beginning. England overcame Scotland and Ireland in this way, one now being entirely reconciled to the change, the other only partially amalgamated. Russia absorbed Poland in the same way and is gradually digesting and assimilating that once hostile body of people.

The factor which accomplishes these marvelous changes, converting the bitterest foes gradually into the firmest friends, is marriage. Intermarriages have formed the English people the most steadfast of all the world in national ties out of the bitterly antagonistic Normans and Saxons who once confronted each other in deadliest hatred and who remained foes for a century. Twenty centuries have failed to remove the antagonism between Jews and Gentiles, because the influence of the little god of love has never been allowed to prevail among the young people. The gradual development and consolidation of people between whom marriage freely obtains is true national expansion. It is the only desirable form of national growth by external additions.

In Spain's expansion among her colonies, a different principle was involved. She subdued temporarily vast regions inhabited by Indian races incapable of amalgamation with her. own people. Hostility between the two races never died, and the Spanish people have paid the penalty of their own folly. Spain never dealt more barbarously with her colonists than the Normans did with the Saxons, but in the one case animosity disappeared, because the peoples were of the same race and their descendants intermarried, while in the other case two divergent races, indisposed to marriage with one another, remained in perpetual hostility until they were separated. Marked differences of race and color, however, form a barrier

that make consolidation forever impossible, the tendency of race development being away from intermarriage rather than toward it, the highly developed specimens of the white and the negro race, for instance, being less inclined toward intermarriages than the lower and more ignorant types of both races.

The races of mankind evidently follow the lines of development noted by Charles Darwin among the lower animals and the plants. plants. Race types appear to be varieties of human beings, divergent in their tendencies, but not yet evolved to such dissimilarity that entire sterility exists as a bar to hybridization and a reason for considering the variation one of distinct species. Among the lower types of allraces, sexual aversion, a universal negative factor in the development of species, does not exist to a degree that will prevent the appearance of a mongrel progeny tending towards its own extinction; but aversion always exists sufficiently to bar marriage as a general social relation, and hence to absolutely absolutely prevent prevent that consolidation between two kinds of people who can be harmonized in no other way.

In every contact between two divergent races averse to intermarriage, misery to both has been the invariable result. This has been peculiarly true of contact between people of Anglo-Saxon ancestry and the inferior races, the Latin nations showing a somewhat greater power of assimilation, owing to a slight tolerance of interracial marriage. It ought not to be necessary to minutely review the history of contact between the whites on the one hand and the negroes, the Indians, and the Chinese on the other, to illustrate these evils of race antagonism. American history is full of these troubles and nearly all that is really a disgrace to this nation is comprised in the "negro problem," the "Indian problem," and the "Chinese problem." Expansionists being now prepared to inflict upon the nation the additional additional disgrace disgrace of the "Malay problem," it may not be treasonable or even unpatriotic to respectfully inquire why they believe that the relations between our people and the brown race will be more satisfactory and creditable to our people than their experience with inferior people of the three other colors with whom we have already come into contact.