The English ConstitutionCosimo, Inc., 1 апр. 2007 г. - Всего страниц: 368 Chronicling the past is much easier than chronicling the present, which was exactly Walter Bagehot's project when writing The English Constitution, first published in 1873. His ambitious undertaking was to describe the British government as it actually worked during 1865 and 1866. Government as it functions is very different from the government as it is spelled out on paper. Many factors, including the mindset of the people and the habits of those already in government, affect how a country is run. Political scientists and historians will find Bagehot's commentary on the living English government and invaluable tool in understanding the politics of the era. British journalist WALTER BAGEHOT (1826-1877) was an early editor of The Economist and was among the first economists to discuss the concept of the business cycle. He is also the author of Physics and Politics (1872) and The Postulates of English Political Economy (1885). |
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| vii | |
| 1 | |
No II | 33 |
No III | 57 |
No IV | 89 |
No V | 130 |
No VI | 176 |
ITS SUPPOSED CHECKS AND BALANCES | 219 |
No VIII | 254 |
No IX | 272 |
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Стр. 75 - Having once given her sanction to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily altered or modified by the Minister; such an act she must consider as failing in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her Constitutional right of dismissing that Minister.
Стр. 15 - a hyphen which joins, a buckle which fastens the legislative part of the State to the executive part".
Стр. 76 - To state the matter shortly, the sovereign has, under a constitutional monarchy such as ours, three rights — the right to be consulted, the right to encourage, the right to warn.
Стр. 31 - But under a presidential government you can do nothing of the kind. The American government calls itself a government of the supreme people ; but at a quick crisis, the time when a sovereign power is most needed, you cannot find the supreme people. You have got a Congress elected for one fixed period, going out perhaps by fixed...
Стр. 5 - There are two great objects which every constitution must attain to be successful, which every old and celebrated one must have wonderfully achieved : every constitution must first gain authority, and then use authority; it must first win the loyalty and confidence of mankind, and then employ that homage in the work of government.
Стр. xxiv - But in all cases it must be remembered that a political combination of the lower classes, as such and for their own objects, is an evil of the first magnitude; that a permanent combination of them would make them (now that so many of them have the suffrage) supreme in the country; and that their supremacy, in the state they now are, means the supremacy of ignorance over instruction and of numbers over knowledge.
Стр. xxxix - Oomnxanding-in-OMef downwards; she could dismiss all the sailors too; she could sell off all our ships of war and all our naval stores ; she could make a peace by the sacrifice of Cornwall, and begin a war for the conquest of Brittany. She could make every citizen in the United Kingdom, male or female, a peer; she could make every parish in the United Kingdom a " university ; " she could dismiss most of the civil servants ; she could pardon all offenders.
Стр. 34 - The best reason why Monarchy is a strong government is, that it is an intelligible government. The mass of mankind understand it, and they hardly anywhere in the world understand any other.
Стр. xxviii - Lords must yield whenever the opinion of the Commons is also the opinion of the nation, and when it is clear that the nation has made up its mind. Whether or not the nation has made up its mind is a question to be decided by all the circumstances of the case, and in the common way in which all practical questions are decided. There are some people who lay down a sort of mechanical test: they say the House of Lords should be at liberty to reject a measure passed by the Commons once or more, and then...
Стр. 143 - Efficiency in an assembly requires a solid mass of steady votes; and these are collected by a deferential attachment to particular men, or by a belief in the principles those men represent, and they are maintained by fear of those men— by the fear that if you vote against them, you may yourself soon not have a vote at all.
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Institutional Theory in Political Science: The 'new Institutionalism' B. Guy Peters Недоступно для просмотра - 2005 |